DAC clears ₹3.25 lakh crore deal for 114 Rafale fighter jets
The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), headed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, has cleared a ₹3.25 lakh crore deal to acquire 114 Rafale fighter aircraft from France’s Dassault Aviation. Set to be India’s biggest-ever defence purchase, the proposal advanced to its next stage on Thursday, just ahead of French President Emmanuel Macron’s visit to India scheduled for February 17.
Manufacturing and Technology Transfer
In this government-to-government deal, a majority of the multi-role fighter aircraft (MRFA) Rafale will be “manufactured in India,” according to the Defence Ministry. Under the MRFA project, 18 aircraft are expected to be delivered by Dassault Aviation in flyaway condition, while the remaining jets will be produced domestically with over 50% indigenous content to be met in phases.
Following the DAC’s grant of acceptance of necessity (AoN), the project will move into the formal contract negotiation stage. This will lead to the issuance of a request for proposal (RFP) to firm up the overall cost, the scope of technology transfer, and specific manufacturing terms. Dassault Aviation is currently scouting for an Indian partner for local manufacture, and the fighter jets are expected to be integrated with indigenous radar technologies and weapon systems.
Strategic Significance
If this deal is finalized, the Indian Air Force (IAF) will become the second largest operator of Rafale jets after France, which has 225 aircraft. The IAF already operates a fleet of 36 Rafales, and the Navy signed a contract last year for 26 marine versions of the aircraft at a cost of ₹63,000 crore.
Next Steps and Additional Approvals
While an announcement relating to the deal may occur during President Macron’s visit, the final IAF proposal still requires approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security, headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Sources indicate that the wrapping up of the formal contractual process may stretch into the latter half of this year. Although the official cost was not provided by the ministry, it is anticipated to range between ₹2.9 trillion and ₹3.15 trillion.
Other Defence Clearances
The Rafale deal was part of a larger set of approvals by the DAC valued at ₹3.60 lakh crore. Other greenlighted procurements include:
- Scalp combat cruise missiles from France to replenish the existing Rafale inventory.
- Six P8I long-range maritime reconnaissance aircraft from the US, which will bring the Navy's fleet strength to 18 and boost anti-submarine warfare and surveillance capabilities.
- Airship-based high altitude pseudo satellites (AS-HAPS) for the IAF to conduct intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) missions.
- Four MW marine gas turbine-based electric power generators to enhance the Navy's self-reliance in power generation.
States’ devolution at 39% lags 41% recommendation of finance panel
By Sourashis Banerjee, Chennai
The recently tabled Sixteenth Finance Commission (FC-16) report has renewed focus on the sharing of tax revenues between the Centre and the States. Data compiled from the report and Union Budget trends indicate that while States’ devolution is gradually increasing in absolute terms, it remains below the recommended levels.
The Gap in Divisible Pool Share
Between 2021-22 and 2026-27 (BE), the States’ share from the divisible pool of gross tax revenue (GTR) rose from approximately ₹8.83 lakh crore to ₹15.26 lakh crore. However, an analysis by businessline shows that the actual ratio of this share fell from 39.8% in 2021-22 to 38.7% in 2026-27, which is lower than the recommended 41%.
The divisible pool is calculated by subtracting cess, surcharges, and taxes accruing to Union Territories from the Centre's GTR. When including cesses and surcharges, the States’ devolution as a share of total GTR increased slightly from 32.6% in 2021-22 to 34.7% in 2026-27 (BE). Historically, this share has climbed from roughly 25% in 1991-92.
Competing Fiscal Arguments
The FC-16 records conflicting views from the Union and the States regarding fiscal autonomy and responsibility:
- The Centre's Position: The Union government argued that previous significant increases in vertical devolution were intended to provide States with more "untied resources" to boost fiscal autonomy. However, the Centre claims this has not always resulted in sustained fiscal prudence by the States. Furthermore, the Centre has called for moderation in tax devolution, citing its own need for resources for defence modernisation and prudent macroeconomic management.
- The States' Position: A majority of States argued that the Constitution assigns them a proportionately larger expenditure responsibility, requiring more resources. They highlighted the declining share of the divisible pool in the Union’s gross tax revenues and proposed countermeasures, such as:
- Including cesses and surcharges in the divisible pool.
- Capping cess/surcharge shares as a percentage of GTR.
- Providing compensatory enhancements to the States' share if these levies remain excluded.
The Union responded that the exclusion of cesses and surcharges is a matter of Constitutional design, though these funds often finance welfare and infrastructure schemes that directly benefit the States.
GST Compensation and Horizontal Allocation
The total of cess and surcharges saw a reduction in recent years due to rate rationalisations. Notably, the GST compensation cess was reduced from ₹1.5 lakh crore in 2024-25 to ₹88,000 crore in 2025-26, before being completely removed in Budget 2026-27.
Regarding horizontal allocation—how funds are divided among States—the criteria continue to prioritise equity and population. Significant weights are assigned to demographic size and income distance to equalise public service access. This continues to benefit more populous states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, which command the largest shares of the distributed revenue.
Trump trade truce won’t restore bilateral ties
By Brahma Chellaney
By framing Indian energy imports as a US national-security issue, the administration has turned economic engagement into a compliance test.
For over two decades, the US has regarded India as a “natural partner” — a rising power whose geography, military capabilities, and democratic credentials made it indispensable to America’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific. Five successive US administrations, Republican and Democratic alike, invested heavily in strengthening that partnership, treating India not just as a market, but as a long-term strategic bet.
But the goodwill that the US built up with India over that period has been rapidly eroded since Donald Trump’s return to the presidency last year. Trump’s second presidency has brought repeated public insults and a bruising trade war, with the US using tariffs as tools of geopolitical coercion. The interim trade deal announced on February 2 may have halted the economic confrontation, but trust — the essential currency of any strategic partnership — is unlikely to be restored any time soon.
By reducing the effective US tariff burden on Indian goods from 50 per cent to 18 per cent, the newly announced deal will deliver short-term relief for India. But it comes with plenty of strings attached, including the requirement that India move towards near-zero tariffs on US industrial products and a wide range of agricultural goods. India’s decision to open its sensitive agricultural sector — the country’s largest employer — to a flood of imports from the US is already sparking a domestic backlash.
But that is not all. India has also agreed to purchase a whopping $500 billion worth of American goods over the next five years, and to replace discounted Russian oil with US energy at market prices, which also implies additional transport costs. Meanwhile, the US offered no binding commitments to India. This lopsided bargain looks nothing like a stable, reciprocal, rules-based trade partnership, and underscores how far US trade policy has drifted from World Trade Organization norms. It is probably best understood as a tactical de-escalation, not a strategic reconciliation.
The way the deal was announced reinforces this interpretation. Typically, bilateral agreements or joint statements are announced simultaneously in both capitals to signal equal partnership. The free-trade agreement India recently concluded with the European Union, which created a trade corridor encompassing roughly 25 per cent of global GDP and one-third of world trade, was touted by both sides as the “mother of all deals.”
The US-India agreement, by contrast, was announced first by Trump, who portrayed it on his social-media platform as a favour to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, whose “request” for an agreement Trump had granted “out of friendship and respect”. Days later, the White House released a “joint statement” outlining the terms of the agreement at 5:00 a.m. Indian Standard Time.
The Trump administration then added injury to insult, announcing a presidential executive order authorising reimposition of punitive tariffs if the US deems India to have violated its commitment to halt all direct and indirect imports of Russian oil. By framing Indian energy imports as a US national-security issue, the administration has turned economic engagement into a compliance test. The message to India is unmistakable: autonomy will be tolerated only within US-approved limits.
India’s leaders have framed the agreement as a win, noting that India now faces lower tariffs than China or Vietnam. But this is a low bar for a relationship that successive US administrations described as “defining”. And they are probably well aware that Trump could still pull the rug out from under them. The arrangement’s details have not yet been finalised, and Trump has a long history of changing his mind, scrapping deals, and layering on new demands.
Whatever happens next, India will not quickly forget Trump’s past betrayals. Nor will it overlook his slights, such as branding India, whose GDP growth outpaces that of all other major economies, as a “dead economy” last July.
In a sense, Trump might have done India a favour. By exposing the raw transactionalism at the core of his foreign policy, he has left no doubt that, under his leadership, the US is not a reliable strategic partner. As a result, India’s government is committed to diversifying the country’s economic relationships away from the US, as underscored by its FTAs with the EU and the UK — an effort that will likely continue, regardless of the new trade agreement with the US.
Markets are similarly unlikely to put too much faith in the US. News of the trade deal did trigger a stock-market rally in India, but the gains are likely to be short-lived.
Strategic partnerships are sustained not by tariffs and threats, but by predictability, mutual respect, and restraint — qualities that have been conspicuously absent from Trump’s presidency. The US should beware. Whatever short-term concessions Trump secures through bullying and coercion will be dwarfed by the long-term costs of destabilising a partnership that, as previous administrations recognised, is vital to American interests in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
The writer is Professor Emeritus of Strategic Studies at the New Delhi-based Center for Policy Research, Fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin and the author of ‘Water, Peace, and War: Confronting the Global Water Crisis’ (Rowman & Littlefield, 2013).
Digital divide not the real problem in schools
By R Sundaram
Walk into any affluent home today, and you'll likely find children as young as four or five swiping through tablets, playing educational apps on smartphones, or watching videos on laptops. Now step into a government primary school in Tamil Nadu. The contrast is stark. Most children here have never touched a computer before entering the classroom, let alone owned one.
This digital divide is real and troubling. Recognising this gap, philanthropists and corporate donors have stepped in with a well-intentioned solution: donate used laptops to non-profit organisations, which then hire computer teachers — many of them graduates with degrees in Computer Applications — and place them in government schools. It’s a practical response to a pressing problem, especially since the government finds it nearly impossible to hire these teachers directly. Years of capitulating to teachers’ union demands have created a situation where regular government teachers enjoy such high salaries and benefits that appointing new staff for specialised subjects has become financially unviable.
But here’s the uncomfortable question we need to ask: in our rush to bridge the digital divide, are we inadvertently widening a more fundamental gap?
Government schools have been criticised for decades for one persistent failing: they promote rote learning instead of developing analytical skills and critical thinking in students. It’s a valid criticism that deserves serious attention. Yet the current push toward digital literacy does nothing to address this core problem. In fact, it may even reinforce it.
Consider what actually happens in a typical digital literacy class. Children learn to open files, save documents, perform basic operations in spreadsheets, and format text in word processors. These are useful skills, certainly, but let’s be honest about what they are: a series of mechanical steps to achieve predetermined outcomes. Click here, type there, save like this. There’s no questioning involved, no problem-solving required, no analytical thinking at play. It’s rote learning dressed up in modern clothes.
And here’s the twist that makes this even more problematic: these very skills that we’re so eager to teach are rapidly becoming obsolete. With AI tools like Claude and ChatGPT now capable of handling complex document formatting, data analysis, and digital tasks instantly, how relevant will these step-by-step procedures be in five or ten years?
None of this means that computer skills are unimportant or that children shouldn’t learn them. Technology is undeniably part of their future. But we’re approaching this backwards, putting the cart firmly before the horse.
Back to Basics
What government school children urgently need is something far more fundamental: a strong foundation in core subjects taught through robust pedagogy.
- Real mathematics that develops problem-solving abilities, not just memorisation of formulas.
- Science that encourages observation, experimentation, and questioning, not just reproduction of textbook answers.
- Languages that build genuine communication skills and comprehension.
- Social studies that help children understand their society and their place in it.
These subjects, when taught well, naturally cultivate the analytical thinking and questioning mindset that we claim to value. A child who learns to work through a challenging math problem, who designs and conducts a simple science experiment, who analyses why historical events unfolded as they did — that child is learning to think. And a child who knows how to think will pick up digital skills quickly and, more importantly, use them effectively.
This brings us to a proposal for those who genuinely want to improve education in government schools. If philanthropists and companies serious about their Corporate Social Responsibility programmes truly want to make a difference, they should incorporate in their schemes of assistance quality teaching of core subjects.
In addition to funding computer labs and digital literacy programmes, imagine if they partnered with NGOs that excel at identifying outstanding teachers in mathematics, science, languages, and social studies. Imagine if they seconded these excellent teachers to government primary schools where quality instruction is desperately needed. Imagine if they invested in improving how core subjects are taught rather than adding more peripheral programmes.
This approach would address the real crisis in government school education: not the lack of computers, but the quality of teaching and learning in fundamental subjects.
Once children have learned to think critically, to question, to analyse — once they’ve developed strong foundations in core subjects — the digital skills will follow naturally. They’ll not only learn them faster but use them more intelligently.
The digital divide is real, but we may be measuring the wrong gap. Government school children don’t need to master Word formatting or Excel formulas as much as they need teachers who can transform rote learning into genuine understanding. They need classrooms where questions are encouraged, where thinking is valued over memorisation, where core subjects are taught with depth and engagement.
That’s the divide that truly matters. That’s the gap we should be racing to bridge.
Integrate Life Skills
While digital literacy empowers students with technical capabilities it is equally crucial to learn to navigate life’s unpredictable nature. Unlike computers that produce consistent programmable outputs, human existence is marked by the vicissitudes of fortune — unexpected health crisis, shifting family dynamics and relationships that defy algorithmic logic. There is a risk that excessive exposure to technology’s deterministic world may foster an illusion among children that life itself follows predictable patterns with controllable outcomes.
To counter this, education must consciously integrate life skills that prepares students for ambiguity, loss and change. Teaching emotional intelligence, conflict resolution, financial literacy during hardship, and coping mechanisms for grief and disappointment becomes as essential as coding or digital communication. Students need spaces to understand that failure is not a bug to be fixed but often a natural part of growth, that human relationships require patience and forgiveness rather than inputs and outputs, and that uncertainty, while uncomfortable, can be a catalyst for creativity and personal development.
By balancing technical education with humanistic wisdom we ensure that bridging the digital divide does not inadvertently widen an emotional psychological gap, leaving young people competent in technology yet unprepared for the messy complexity of life itself.
The writer retired as Member, Ordnance Factories, Ministry of Defence.
RBI’s proposed norm on sale of financial products may dent banks’ ‘other’ income
By Piyush Shukla & K Ram Kumar, Mumbai
Banks may turn more circumspect in selling third-party products if the draft instructions on advertising, marketing, and sale of financial products and services issued by the RBI become a reality. The fear of mis-selling under these new norms would entail not just refunding amounts taken from customers but also shelling out compensation, which could significantly dampen the enthusiasm of banks to push third-party products like insurance, mutual funds, and pensions. This shift is expected to dent their ‘other’ (fee) income.
Branch-Level Pressure and Mis-selling
A senior public sector bank official noted that targets for selling third-party products at branches increase every year. Officials often sell inappropriate products out of desperation to meet quarterly or yearly targets and avoid penalties such as lost incentives or transfers to remote locations. If the RBI's instructions are implemented in full, this pressure at the branch level could ease, though it would lead to a decline in fee income.
Rule for Caution
Karthik Srinivasan, Senior Vice-President at ICRA, observed that the RBI and other financial regulators are generally pro-consumer. He stated that if it is established that a product has been mis-sold, banks will have to repay all funds collected and compensate the customer, forcing them to be much more cautious. This increased caution is expected to reduce instances of mis-selling but will also have an impact on distribution fees.
Significance of Fee Income
Banks currently earn substantial fee income from these sales. For example, customer value enhancement income accounted for approximately 18 per cent of State Bank of India’s ₹8,404 crore fee income in Q3.
The proposal is expected to have the largest impact on bigger banks that have a large CASA (current account, savings account) base and have built the capacity to cross-sell third-party products aggressively.
Scope of Cross-selling
The banking sector has seen a surge in cross-selling activities following various regulatory changes:
- Bancassurance: Following guidelines issued last year, banks acting as corporate agents or brokers have been cross-selling general and life insurance policies, sometimes gaining commissions as high as 30 per cent.
- Mutual Funds: Banks aggressively cross-sell mutual fund schemes and three-in-one accounts that bundle savings, trading, and demat accounts into a single product.
- Credit Cards: Co-branded credit cards are also pushed aggressively, despite relatively lower commissions.
The RBI’s comprehensive draft instructions, issued on Wednesday, aim to provide consumer protection and rationalise business activities across banks that are currently prioritizing high returns from third-party service commissions. The norms specifically seek to prevent mis-selling and the compulsory bundling of financial products.
Import of US crude in 2025 may be 2nd highest on record
By Rishi Ranjan Kala, New Delhi
Amid pressure from the US on India to stop Russian crude oil imports, Washington’s exports of the geopolitically-sensitive commodity to New Delhi are already set to hit the second-highest on record in CY2025.
The Numbers
According to the latest data from the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), cumulative US crude oil exports to India stood at approximately 3,603 thousand barrels per day (kb/d) during the January-November 2025 period, averaging roughly 327.55 kb/d per month. While the export numbers for December 2025 are still pending, the current volume for the year ranks as the third-highest on record, following CY2021 (5,046 kb/d) and CY2022 (3,745 kb/d). However, refiners and analysts anticipate that once the full year is accounted for, 2025 will surpass the 2022 figures.
Strategic Significance
The rising share of US oil carries significant strategic value for New Delhi:
- Trade Balance: Higher energy imports will help narrow India’s trade deficit with the US.
- Diversification: It supports India's broader strategy of diversifying its energy supply chains to balance security, economics, and geopolitics.
- Cooperation: The increase in trade reinforces ongoing energy cooperation between the two nations.
Refining and Logistics Challenges
Despite the volume increase, there are limitations to the upside of purchasing US crude, specifically grades like WTI Midland and Eagle Ford:
- Refinery Optimization: WTI Midland is a light, naphtha-rich crude that yields fewer middle distillates, such as diesel, than the medium and heavy sour crudes that Indian refineries are traditionally optimized for.
- Replacement: US crude grades are more likely to replace volumes from West Africa, such as light sweet crudes from Nigeria (e.g., Bonny Light).
- Freight and Time: The competitiveness of US crude is curbed by higher freight costs and a significantly longer voyage time—45 to 55 days—compared with grades from the Middle East and Africa.
The elevated US presence in India’s crude basket underscores a deepening strategic energy alignment between the two countries.
‘India a cost-effective destination to build data centres’
Our Bureau, Chennai
India possesses significant power headroom to support the explosive growth of the data centre (DC) business, and the recent Budget decision to offer a tax holiday is expected to increase demand from hyperscalers, according to Raju Vegesna, Chairman and Managing Director of Sify Technologies Ltd. Speaking at ‘The Hindu Tech Summit 2026’ in Chennai, Vegesna highlighted that India is also investing in renewable energy to ensure the sustainability of the sector. He noted that while DCs require 24/7 power, technology such as battery energy storage systems is rapidly evolving to meet this need.
Economic Advantages
Vegesna provided a stark comparison of the economics of building data centres, stating that it costs 2.5 times more to build a DC in the US than in India. He attributed this to several factors:
- Input Costs: Labour, cement, and steel are significantly cheaper in India.
- Power Costs: Electricity in India is approximately 40 per cent cheaper than in the US.
- Talent: A rich talent ecosystem continues to attract hyperscalers to the country.
Regarding Sify’s own strategy, Vegesna mentioned a focus on building Edge DCs across various tier-2 cities in India, alongside large-scale data centres in metropolitan areas.
AI and the IT Industry
On the subject of Artificial Intelligence, Vegesna observed that India cannot compete in the "high capex game" played by American Big Tech companies. Instead, he described AI as the greatest opportunity for India’s IT industry since Y2K to offer specialized AI services, emphasizing that "how fast we move matters".
Focus on Education and R&D
The summit, themed “Continuity Unbroken: Building the Architecture of Resilience in a Connected World,” also featured insights on human capital. G. Viswanathan, Founder and Chancellor of the Vellore Institute of Technology (VIT), called for increased investment and enrolment in higher education to address inequality.
He pointed out that reduced government spending has placed the burden of education primarily on learners and argued that India must manifoldly increase its research and development (R&D) spending from the current 0.7 per cent to compete with developed nations. Additionally, Sekar Viswanathan, Vice-President of VIT, noted that the institution is actively working to integrate AI into the education sector, specifically for personalised learning.
The inaugural session was attended by prominent figures including N. Ram, Director of The Hindu Group; Suresh Nambath, Editor of The Hindu; and LV Navaneeth, CEO of The Hindu Group.
Labour law dent at top 25: ₹12,000 cr
Of India’s top 30 companies, 25 reported impact.
By Dipali Banka & Devina Sengupta, Mumbai
When Tata Consultancy Services Ltd (TCS) disclosed a ₹2,100 crore-plus profit hit from new labor codes last month, it was only the beginning. A Mint analysis shows that 25 of India’s top 30 companies that have reported the impact of the amended labor regime suffered a nearly ₹12,000-crore blow to their December quarter profits. These new rules mandate higher social security contributions from both employers and employees and increase retirement benefits.
The Wage Definition Shift
While these provisions accounted for roughly 7.70% of the aggregate Q3 profit for these 25 companies, the impact is not expected to be a one-time event. Consulting firms warn that wage bills are set to increase even as corporate margins remain under pressure from global uncertainties. Under the new codes, wages must account for at least 50% of total remuneration.
In high-paying sectors like IT and IT-enabled services, basic salary components often account for less than half of total remuneration, making these industries more susceptible to the changes compared to sectors with a higher proportion of blue-collar workers. Consequently, employees may even see a slight reduction in take-home pay if the overall cost-to-company remains unchanged.
Sectoral and Company Impact
The burden was heavily concentrated in specific sectors:
- Information Technology: Four IT majors—TCS, Infosys, HCL Technologies, and Tech Mahindra—accounted for approximately 39% of the total hit.
- BFSI: Banking, financial services, and insurance firms contributed 19% to the overall impact.
- PSUs: Notably, three of the four public sector undertakings in the index saw no impact from the new laws.
Top 10 Sensex Companies by Net Profit Impact (₹ Crore):
- TCS: 2,128
- Infosys: 1,344
- L&T: 1,289
- HDFC Bank: 1,037
- InterGlobe Aviation: 969
- HCL Technologies: 956
- Maruti Suzuki India: 594
- Sun Pharma: 507
- Axis Bank: 460
- Bajaj Finserv: 379
Outlook for Employees
The immediate "collateral damage" of this fiscal dent could be lower salary hikes in the upcoming appraisal season. Recruitment consultants expect these increased payouts to shrink increments in the short term, with India Inc. planning modest raises of 8.5-9.5% as they factor in the labor code impact alongside stagnant inflation. While companies like TCS expect the ongoing impact to be minimal (around 10 to 15 basis points), the recurring increase in gratuity will continue to play out in wage bills in the coming quarters.
Venezuela's reopening could mean an oil windfall for India
Caracas may dispatch to India and the US 400,000 barrels per day that it now sends to Beijing.
By Rituraj Baruah & Dhirendra Kumar, New Delhi
New Delhi is positioning for an oil windfall from Venezuela, as the South American nation prepares to re-route hundreds of thousands of crude oil barrels currently shipped to China. As American sanctions on Venezuela end, Caracas may dispatch to India and the US 400,000 barrels per day (bpd) that it now sends to Beijing, according to people aware of the matter.
Strategic Re-routing New Delhi, the world’s third-largest oil buyer, used to purchase 400,000 bpd from Venezuela until the US imposed sanctions in 2020. "China was importing about 400,000 bpd of crude from Venezuela earlier. Part of this may be diverted to India now, and the US would obviously be among the key buyers," one source stated on the condition of anonymity.
This development occurs as India has reiterated its commitment to maintain diverse sources of crude oil. While Indian public sector refiners primarily handle light crude, Reliance’s Jamnagar refinery and Indian Oil Corp.’s Panipat refinery are complex units capable of refining the coarse, heavy crude pumped by Venezuela. Reliance has reportedly already booked cargoes from the South American nation.
Significance for India's Energy Basket The development is significant because India imports nearly 90% of its oil requirements and sourced oil worth $161 billion last fiscal year. India's petroleum product consumption is projected to reach a record 252.9 million metric tonnes in FY26, a 4.65% increase. India is also the world’s fourth-largest refiner, with a capacity of 258.1 million tonnes per annum (mtpa) expected to reach 309.5 mtpa by 2030.
The US-India Trade Link The US has withdrawn a 25% punitive tariff on India, on the condition that India stop buying Russian oil. While the Indian government has not announced a formal plan to halt Russian oil purchases, supplies are expected to fall. A US embassy spokesperson noted that President Trump signed an executive order removing the tariff in recognition of India's commitment to stop purchasing Russian oil.
Expert Analysis Gaurav Moda, leader for energy at EY-Parthenon India, noted that the complexity of Indian refineries, combined with India's rapid growth and energy requirements, makes the diversification of the energy feedstock portfolio essential.
Kirit Parikh, former member of the Planning Commission, added that India should be able to secure better pricing for Venezuelan crude now that China is not buying, although Venezuelan crude leads to higher refinery costs due to its dense and viscous character.
However, the shift comes with a cost, as Russian suppliers offer discounts of $8-12 per barrel. An SBICAPS report raised concerns over the impact of the India-US trade deal on the overall cost of India's energy basket, noting that a shift in trade routes is already underway.
Eight Roads steps up India focus, to target 5-6 startups
Cheque sizes will range from $5-40 million, Eight Roads president Alex Emery said.
By Sneha Shah & Priyamvada C, Mumbai
The Fidelity International-backed Eight Roads Ventures, which has invested in startups such as Icertis, Fibe and Shadowfax, expects to accelerate its funding in India this year, according to top executives at the firm.
“We see this year as a good time to be accelerating our investments in the country. I’m anticipating five to six deals we’d like to back in India, and we’re seeing the deal flow in the market. So, we are keen to deploy more,” Alex Emery, president at the firm, told Mint in an interview. He noted that businesses in the country will continue to grow rapidly in line with the Indian economy.
India Overtaking China
Emery emphasized that India is currently the single biggest opportunity within Asia for the firm. “Historically, China has been pretty big. But we’re seeing India really overtake China in terms of opportunity set, at least for the kinds of investments that we’re doing and backing,” he stated.
Since it began investing in India in 2007, the firm has committed approximately $1.6 billion and backed 80 businesses. Of these:
- 38 investments have been exited either fully or partially.
- 11 companies have reached a value of over $500 million, with some exceeding $1 billion.
- 5 portfolio companies have pursued public market listings, including two on the Nasdaq.
Investment Strategy and Sectors
Eight Roads typically targets early growth and growth-stage businesses across technology and healthcare.
- Technology: The firm has backed sub-segments including fintech, enterprise, and consumer. It is now increasingly focused on artificial intelligence-driven themes, such as agentic solutions.
- Healthcare: Investments include life sciences, digital health, medtech, and healthcare services. Prem Pavoor, managing partner and head of India Ventures, noted that healthcare has risen to become the largest sector for private investments in India over the last few years. He highlighted that pharma and medtech are moving up the innovation curve, with many novel formats emerging.
The firm’s cheque sizes typically range from $5-10 million on the lower end to $25-30 million, reaching $40 million in specific situations.