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Sunday, July 12, 2026

Newspaper Summary 130726

 

Private investment in solar module manufacturing firms on the rise

BIG LEAP. Policy support, strong domestic demand have brought sector on their radar

Rohan Das Chennai

Solar module makers in India are seeing a surge in interest of private market investors as they scale their manufacturing presence and move into upstream components like cells, wafers and ingots.

According to data from market research firm Tracxn, over the last five years, private investments in module manufacturing companies have gone up nearly tenfold. In 2026 (YTD), these companies raised about $460 million in equity funding, while in 2025, the figure was around $322.5 million. This is a significant spike compared to $29.3 million in 2023.

JSW Solar’s ₹1,422 crore raise from Havells and other private investors, Grew Solar bagging ₹1,050 crore from Bay Capital Investment Ltd, alongside institutional investors, and ReNew Photovoltaics’ $700 million raise from the development financial institution, International Investment Services were some of the marquee deals over this period. The share of each investor could not be ascertained as Tracxn tracks value of the entire round.

Speaking to businessline, investors said that in the past, the majority of capital came from strategic investors. However, policy support, alongside strong domestic demand, had brought the sector into venture capital and equity firm focus.

RISE IN CAPACITY

Ankit Jain, Vice-President, Co-group Head – Corporate Ratings, ICRA, suggested that India’s module manufacturing capacity reached more than 200 GW as of June 2026, a sharp rise from 67.3 GW as of February 2025. “On the demand side, there has been sizeable capacity addition with schemes such as PM Kusum and PM Surya Ghar supporting module demand, while policies like ALMM, PLI and imposition of customs duty have enabled manufacturers to scale up capacity,” he said.

Vineet Bhatia, Partner – Energy & Infrastructure, Thornton Bharat, suggested that module manufacturing had evolved from being a commodity business to becoming a strategic growth opportunity. “Historically, low margins, high import dependency and technology shifting up operations kept venture capital and private equity interest in solar manufacturing low, and the sector was mainly driven by strategic investors whose focus was more integration than return. However, nonetheless, the outlook is drastically changing now,” he said.

Industry policy signals from the Centre on mandatory domestic content coupled with large-scale investments, he added. Companies are planning a phase-wise capital investment in the industry, beginning with cells in the near term, wafers and ingots in the medium term, and eventually extending to the broader ecosystem,” Bhatia said.

Vipul Kumar, Managing Director and Head of India, South Asia-Energy Investment, said, “Building global competitive manufacturing capacity requires patient capital and an enabling ecosystem; it cannot be assessed through the lens of short-term returns alone. Our focus is on backing teams with deep domain fundamentals, sound governance, and a vision to remain competitive over the long term”.


Centre says no communication with TN on Parandur airport

Our Bureau Chennai

The Union Civil Aviation Ministry has not received any intimation from the newly elected Tamil Nadu Government, led by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), on whether it wants to proceed with the proposed ₹27,000 crore greenfield airport at Parandur or put it on hold, according to highly placed sources.

Sources in the Ministry told businessline that the State government is yet to inform the Centre about its plans for the second airport. “We are not aware whether they are dropping the project or proceeding with it. We have already issued the approval for the land,” Ministry sources said. The ball is now in the State’s court, and any decision on the project now rests with the State government, the source added.

The clarification comes following widespread speculation over the fate of the proposed airport after the formation of the TVK government. Statements by senior Ministers in the TVK Cabinet on environmental concerns regarding several infrastructure development projects have triggered a debate on whether Parandur should be shelved and an alternative site identified.

Meanwhile, businessline has learnt that a delegation of senior Tamil Nadu government officials is scheduled to visit New Delhi on Monday to hold discussions with central government officials on various projects supported by agencies such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). It is not known whether the Parandur airport project will be part of the discussions.

PROJECT REVIEWED

Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay, soon after assuming office, had backed villagers and farmers opposing the project over concerns regarding loss of livelihood and environmental impact. At the same time, there has been speculation that he has reviewed the project, although no details have emerged. Senior State government officials have denied that any such discussions have taken place.

A notification issued by the previous DMK government declared the Parandur New Greenfield Airport Project a “Special Project” under the Tamil Nadu Land Consolidation (Special Projects) Act, 2023. The notification was issued on March 2, days before the Model Code of Conduct came into force. However, State cabinet sources said there is no legal bar on the part of the new administration from discontinuing the project despite its Special Project status.

Industry representatives have warned that scrapping the airport would be a setback for Chennai, arguing that the city has already lost passenger and cargo traffic to neighbouring Hyderabad and Bengaluru, and that a second airport would help arrest that trend.


Retail inflation likely breached 4% mark in June

Shishir Sinha New Delhi

Driven by surging food costs and the waning of the base effect of global fuel hikes, retail inflation based on Consumer Price Index (CPI) is expected to have crossed the 4 per cent mark in June after a 16-month hiatus.

While the 4 per cent is the Reserve Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) target, it is yet to hold policy rates steady due to its “withdrawal of accommodation” stance.

Under the new 2024 base series, Consumer Price Index (CPI) inflation had dropped from 2.74 per cent in January 2016 to 3.93 per cent in May 2024. It has remained persistently in the last month alone. CPI-based inflation had touched 3.9 per cent in May.

In its recent monetary policy review, the Finance Ministry’s latest Monthly Economic Review noted that the ongoing West Asia crisis and subsequent global shocks were keeping domestic inflationary pressures on an upward trajectory as energy costs diffuse through the economy.

GROWTH RISKS

Further, it said that while easing oil prices and improving global supply chains in the long run could help alleviate some external pressure, the uncertainty surrounding the monsoon and geopolitical tensions in West Asia continue to pose downside risks to growth and upside risks to the inflation outlook.

The MPC has projected retail inflation for the April-June quarter at 4.9 per cent.

According to Jahnavi Prabhakar, Economist at Bank of Baroda, BoE Estimates, CPI-based inflation in June is seen at its sharpest pace since early 2024. “June CPI is expected to hover around 4.5-4.6 per cent, on y-o-y basis. In July 2026, the build-up is even higher (first 6 days) at 2.1 per cent,” as national food prices continue to remain high.

Given the recent developments around the pick up in the South-West monsoon, kharif acreage and reservoir level, careful monitoring of the spatial distribution of rain as well as of El Nino conditions is needed in the coming days.

TILTED UPSIDE

The overall reservoir storage position as on July 2 is at a lower level as the normal storage for the corresponding period. “Against this backdrop, we expect CPI to settle at 4.2 per cent in June 2026, with risks tilted to the upside,” she said.

Radhika Rao, Senior Economist, DBS Bank also expects the headline number to cross the 4 per cent mark. “June CPI inflation is expected to have picked up marginally to 4.1 per cent y-o-y from 3.9 per cent the month before, on continued normalisation in food segments and pass-through of telecom hikes and the related segments,” she said while adding that beyond food and fuel, upside risks to core inflation appear limited, amid softer gold and precious metal prices and little scope for further pump-price adjustments.


Wayfaring through life

Uncertainty requires a deliberate way of thinking

BOOK REVIEW Srinivas Sastry

Strategy is usually associated with organisations. We talk about strategy for businesses, products, markets and careers. Yet one of the more interesting questions Surya Ramkumar asks in her book Strategy for Life is this: If strategy is valuable enough to guide complex organisations, then why do so many people leave their own lives to chance?

The question becomes particularly relevant at a time when traditional markers of success are becoming increasingly fluid. Career paths are no longer linear, and social norms are constantly being redefined. Many individuals succeed through planning. Rather, they are uncertain about what comes next. This is the gap the book attempts to address.

Drawing on her experiences across leadership roles at McKinsey and Microsoft, Ramkumar approaches life not as a sequence of events but as a strategic challenge. Her argument is not that life can be controlled through planning. Rather, it is that uncertainty itself demands a more deliberate way of thinking.

NAVIGATING VS WAYFARING

One idea that recurs throughout the book is the distinction between navigation and wayfaring. Navigation assumes a known destination and a predefined route. Wayfaring describes a changing landscape where progress depends less on following a map and more on continuously interpreting the surroundings. This distinction captures the reality of modern leadership.

Organisations and individuals alike operate in environments where yesterday’s assumptions rarely remain valid for long. The landscape is in constant flux. In such environments, strategy becomes less about prediction and more about preparedness.

This perspective runs through many of the frameworks presented in the book. Whether discussing strategy tools like the Problem Priority Index, the Strategy House or the Red Thread, Ramkumar repeatedly returns to the central theme: making conscious choices about what deserves attention and what does not.

What I found particularly interesting was the discussion on prioritization. Many professionals spend considerable energy optimising activities without questioning whether those activities deserve optimisation in the first place.

The book argues that clarity often comes not from doing more things well, but from identifying the one problem whose resolution changes everything else.

This mirrors an observation frequently seen in organisations. High-performing companies are not necessarily those with the most initiatives. They are often the ones with the clearest understanding of where focus should be applied. The same principle appears to hold true at an individual level.

Another theme that stands out is the relationship between aspiration and influence.

In professional life, people often inherit goals from peers, institutions, industries or social expectations without realising it. Ramkumar’s discussion around desires, goals and influences prompts readers to ask an important question: how many of our ambitions are genuinely ours, and how many have simply been absorbed from the environment around us?

The question is particularly relevant in an age where comparison has become continuous and highly visible. Where the book is strongest, however, is not in its frameworks. It is in the conversations those frameworks provoke.

Questions such as “What problem is truly worth solving?”, “What is enough?”, and “Whose definition of success am I pursuing?” stay with the reader long after the individual models have faded from memory.


Book Details:

  • Title: Strategy for Life
  • Author: Surya Ramkumar
  • Publisher: Penguin Random House
  • Price: ₹399

The reviewer is a certified leadership coach and writes on human-centric leadership models.


Understanding the rise of ‘agentic commerce’

Short take Sita Mishra

The biggest question in online shopping may not be what consumers buy but who makes the purchase decision. As artificial intelligence evolves from offering recommendations to acting as autonomous users, consumers may increasingly delegate searching, comparing, evaluating, and even purchasing to intelligent agents. This emerging transformation is known as agentic commerce.

Imagine asking an AI assistant to compare smartphones within a budget, analyze reviews, track prices, and complete the purchase automatically. Or allowing AI to reorder household essentials whenever better deals appear. Rather than replacing consumers entirely, agentic commerce changes how decisions are made by reducing effort and cognitive load.

Consumers today operate in an environment of information overload and endless choice. Comparing alternatives across platforms often creates decision fatigue and slow purchase decisions. Agentic commerce promises convenience by delegating non-essential portions of the consumer decision-making process. AI agents can personalize recommendations, compare alternatives in real time, and optimize outcomes based on consumer preferences and constraints. From a consumer behavior perspective, this reflects bounded rationality, where consumers seek satisfactory rather than perfectly informed decisions.

FERTILE GROUND

India presents a fertile ground for agentic commerce because consumers are increasingly comfortable with digital payments, online marketplaces, and technology-enabled services. At the same time, Indian consumers remain highly value-conscious and promotion-sensitive. AI agents could strengthen this value-seeking behavior by enabling faster price comparisons and reducing information asymmetry between buyers and sellers. However, adoption may vary across categories. High-involvement purchases such as travel, fashion, and premium products may continue to involve greater consumer participation because these decisions carry emotional and symbolic value.

THE CHALLENGE OF TRUST

Trust may become the defining challenge. Consumers may question whether AI agents truly represent their interests or are influenced by platform incentives and commercial partnerships. This concern connects to perceived manipulation, algorithmic transparency, and consumer autonomy. Marketing research has long shown that consumers value perceived control during decision-making.

Excessive automation may weaken this feeling and create resistance, even when outcomes are superior. Agentic commerce also introduces trust transfer, where confidence must extend not only to brands but also to the AI intermediary making recommendations. If AI makes a poor purchase decision, who is accountable? If algorithms become marketplace gatekeepers, how will brands earn visibility? These questions are important.


The writer is Professor (Marketing), IMT Ghaziabad


ZincGel vs Li-ion battery

M Ramesh Chennai

Recently, Offgrid Energy Labs, an Indian startup incubated at IIT-Kanpur, announced it is planning a 10 MWh pilot manufacturing facility in the UK to produce battery cells based on its proprietary ZincGel technology.

The company intends the UK plant to be a proving ground; the experience gained there, it says, will be used to establish large-scale manufacturing in India, where battery demand is expected to rise sharply as renewable energy capacity expands.

Unlike lithium-ion batteries, which rely on imported lithium, ZincGel uses zinc and graphite, both of which are abundantly available in India. The ZincGel technology differs in many other ways too. The basic zinc-bromine chemistry is nothing new, but it has not come into common use because of some key problems, mainly dendrite formation and hydrogen evolution reaction (HER).

Dendrites are tiny metallic needles that emerge during repeated charging; they can pierce the separator and short-circuit the cell. Hydrogen affects the cell’s efficiency by wasting a part of the charging energy and increasing internal pressure.

Offgrid Energy Labs says the key lies in its proprietary electrolyte, which makes its anode-less architecture possible. The anode-less architecture, where the anode is formed inside the cell during charging and disappears during discharging, is something that researchers have been toying with for a while. It is a mouthwatering idea because it saves the anode material completely.

PROPRIETARY TECH

Offgrid Energy Labs says it has cracked the technology. Instead of using a zinc metal anode from the outset, the battery starts with a bare current collector. During charging, zinc from the electrolyte is deposited onto this collector and dissolves back into the electrolyte during discharge. This reduces material use and simplifies cell construction.

The startup’s proprietary gel-based aqueous electrolyte, containing zinc bromide, additional zinc salts, and specialised additives, prevents dendrite formation. Specialised additives act as leveling agents and grain refiners, ensuring that zinc deposits as a dense, uniform layer instead of growing into needle-like dendrites.

The electrolyte is also designed to suppress hydrogen evolution. According to the company, proprietary additives bind free water molecules and reduce the unwanted side reactions that produce hydrogen gas. At the positive electrode, activated carbon derived from coconut shells is used to trap bromine within its microscopic pores, thereby reducing bromine migration and improving both safety and cycle life.

ELECTROLYTE’S ROLE

Offgrid Energy Lab’s technology flags a significant trend in the evolution of electrochemical cell design. The electrolyte functions far from a passive medium through which ions pass from one electrode to the other. But the emerging approach—as evident in Offgrid Energy’s cell—is to expand the role of the electrolyte.

In ZincGel, the proprietary electrolyte is an active participant that performs many functions, such as suppressing dendrites and hydrogen evolution, and stabilizing bromine. The startup, which raised $15 million from Archean Chemical Industries last year, has combined ternary techniques (gel electrolytes, additives, bromine-trapping carbon materials and anode-free architecture) to make a unique battery.

It says its system can deliver more than 6,000 charge-discharge cycles with round-trip efficiencies of 80-90 per cent.

Offgrid Energy is careful not to position ZincGel as a replacement for lithium-ion batteries, but as complementary in applications that require long-duration energy storage rather than high energy density. While lithium-ion remains the preferred choice for electric vehicles and portable electronics, Offgrid Energy says zinc-bromine batteries offer advantages for grid balancing, renewable energy integration and industrial backup, where batteries are expected to discharge over 6-12 hours, operate safely over long periods and deliver thousands of charge-discharge cycles.


IIT-M revives forgotten route to industrial wastewater treatment

Researchers overcome long-standing bottleneck in technology based on gas hydrates

Team Quantum

For decades, scientists have known that gas hydrates—ice-like crystals formed when water traps certain gases under specific temperature and pressure conditions—could, in principle, purify contaminated water.

The idea was always attractive. Water locks itself into crystals while salts and other impurities are left behind. But there was a catch. Separating the crystals from the remaining wastewater proved cumbersome and energy-intensive, preventing the technology from competing with membrane-based systems, such as reverse osmosis (RO).

Researchers at the Indian Institute of Technology, Madras, now say they have overcome that bottleneck. The team has developed and patented a gas hydrate-based process that forms hydrate crystals directly in the gaseous phase, eliminating the need for filtration or centrifugation to separate them from wastewater.

In tests using actual petrochemical effluent supplied by CPCL (India) Ltd, the system recovered more than 65 per cent of the water, removed 84.93 per cent of contaminants, and recycled over 95 per cent of the hydrate-forming gases back into the process.

AN ALTERNATIVE TO RO

Developed by Dr Subhash Kumar Sharma under the supervision of Prof Rajnish Kumar, the process offers an alternative to RO. (RO) membranes are prone to fouling, require periodic replacement and generate solid waste. Hydrate processes avoid membranes but consume significantly more energy.

A mixture of propane and HFC-134a is introduced into the contaminated wastewater under carefully controlled temperature and pressure. Water molecules assemble around the gas molecules, forming solid hydrate crystals while salts, ammonia, suspended solids and organic contaminants remain in the liquid.

The crystals are then gently melted to recover purified water, while the gases are captured and reused in the next cycle.

The technology consumed 3.88 kWh of electricity for every cubic metre of water recovered—comparable to seawater reverse osmosis and substantially better than net desalination methods. The researchers estimate a levelised water cost of about 14 paise a litre and claim a carbon footprint 35-70 per cent lower than that of conventional membrane and heat-based technologies. The treated water met the Central Pollution Control Board standards for industrial reuse.

Kumar said the process could help industries reduce freshwater consumption while meeting increasingly stringent zero liquid discharge requirements.

The technology is at readiness level 4, indicating it has passed second laboratory proof-of-concept. The team plans pilot-scale demonstrations using wastewater from the pharmaceutical, textile and fertilizer industries.



Tamil Nadu Online Gambling and Gaming Ordinance 2022 Brief

 The following is the full text of the state legislative brief regarding The Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Online Gambling and Regulation of Online Games Ordinance, 2022, as prepared by PRS Legislative Research on October 17, 2022.

Key Features

  • The Ordinance prohibits online gambling and online games of chance played for money or other stakes, specifically including Rummy and Poker.
  • It establishes the Tamil Nadu Online Gaming Authority to regulate providers, identify games of chance, and recommend their inclusion in the schedule of prohibited games.
  • Non-local game providers (based outside Tamil Nadu) must follow specific due diligence or restrict access for people within the state.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • Banning Games of Skill: Some criteria for prohibiting games of chance may inadvertently ban online games of skill. Notably, the Ordinance bans Rummy and Poker, which the Supreme Court has previously recognized as games of skill.
  • Fundamental Rights: The Authority’s power to impose time and monetary restrictions on adults playing online games may violate the right to freedom of expression and the right to life.
  • Jurisdiction and Consistency: The state may lack the jurisdiction to regulate providers based outside Tamil Nadu serving customers outside the state. Additionally, the Ordinance regulates certain games differently when played online versus physically.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE ORDINANCE

Context

In 2021, Tamil Nadu attempted to prohibit all games played for stakes through an amendment to its 1930 Gaming and Police Laws Act, aiming to prevent addiction and suicides. However, the Madras High Court struck this down as arbitrary and excessive. This 2022 Ordinance was subsequently promulgated on October 3, 2022, following recommendations from a committee chaired by Retd. Justice K. Chandru.

Key Provisions

  • Prohibition of Online Gambling: Defined as wagering or betting on online games of chance for money or "other stakes," which includes virtual credits, tokens, or objects purchased in-game.
  • Definition of Online Games of Chance: These are games where (i) chance dominates skill, (ii) they are presented as games of chance, (iii) chance can only be removed by superlative skill, or (iv) they use random event generators (cards, dice, wheels).
  • Tamil Nadu Gaming Authority: This body issues certificates to local providers, sets time/monetary/age limits, and maintains data on gaming activities.
  • Non-Local Providers: Providers outside the state must exercise due diligence, such as entering contracts with customers to ensure they aren't in Tamil Nadu and collecting personal details to establish physical presence.
  • Penalties: Players of prohibited games face up to three months in prison or a fine of ₹5,000. Providers of such games face up to three years in prison or a ₹10 lakh fine.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

The Ordinance May be Banning Online Games of Skill

The criteria used to define "games of chance" are broad. For instance, requiring random event generators to simulate shuffling cards or throwing dice means almost any online card or dice game—including skill-based games like Bridge—could be classified as a game of chance. Furthermore, the requirement of "superlative skill" to eliminate chance sets a higher bar than the Supreme Court's standard of a "substantial degree or preponderance of skill".

Conflict with Judicial Precedents

The Ordinance explicitly bans Rummy and Poker, yet the Supreme Court (1967) and various High Courts have determined these are games of skill. Courts have noted that tasks like memorizing the fall of cards in Rummy require significant skill.

Restrictions on Fundamental Rights and Privacy

By allowing the Authority to dictate how much time and money an adult can spend on online games, the Ordinance may infringe upon Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of expression) and Article 21 (right to life). There is also a concern regarding privacy, as the state would need to monitor individual usage to enforce these limits.

Differentiation Between Online and Physical Play

The Ordinance requires registration for online game providers but not for those providing the same services physically. For example, a newspaper's online crossword would require registration, while the print version would not, despite the Madras High Court noting that skills for board and card games remain the same regardless of the medium.

Jurisdictional Challenges

The Ordinance requires non-local providers to follow due diligence even for customers based outside the state if they don't use geo-blocking to restrict access to Tamil Nadu. Under Supreme Court precedents (1957), a state law must have a real and not illusory territorial connection to the person being legislated upon; the Ordinance may fail this test for providers and customers with no connection to Tamil Nadu.


Annexure: Inter-state Comparison

StateProvisionStatus
Tamil Nadu (2022)Prohibits online gambling and games of chance (inc. Rummy/Poker).Ordinance in force.
Karnataka (2021)Prohibited wagering/betting in any game of chance or skill.Struck down by High Court.
Meghalaya (2021)Permits games of skill/chance with a license.In force.
Andhra Pradesh (2020)Prohibits online gaming, betting, and wagering.Challenge pending.
Nagaland (2015)Permits wagering on games of skill (e.g., Poker) with a license.In force.
Sikkim (2008)Permits games of chance/skill with a license.In force.

Disclaimer: This brief is for informational purposes by PRS Legislative Research, an independent, not-for-profit group. The opinions expressed are those of the authors.

Legislative Brief: Karnataka Gig Workers Welfare Bill 2025

 The following is the full text of the State Legislative Brief on The Karnataka Platform based Gig Workers (Social Security and Welfare) Bill, 2025, published by PRS Legislative Research on August 13, 2025.

Overview of Key Features

  • Registration: Gig workers sourcing work via platforms will receive a unique ID. A Welfare Board will oversee the registration of both workers and aggregators, while also creating and monitoring social security schemes.
  • Welfare Fund: A Social Security and Welfare Fund will be established, funded by aggregators, gig workers, and both central and state governments.
  • Transparency: Aggregators are required to inform workers about work parameters and the impact of automated monitoring and decision-making systems on their working conditions.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • Definition: The Bill’s definition of gig work is based primarily on the manner of obtaining work rather than conceptual features, which may lead to the misclassification of traditional employees as gig workers.
  • Financing: There is an ongoing debate regarding who should bear the primary cost of social security—aggregators, workers, or the government.
  • Business Models: Determining welfare fees as a percentage of payout may result in uneven treatment of similar services depending on an aggregator’s specific business model.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE BILL

Context

The gig economy in India is growing rapidly. NITI Aayog estimated that in 2020-21, 77 lakh workers (1.5% of the workforce) were engaged in gig work, a number expected to rise to 2.35 crore (4.1%) by 2029-30. While the central Code on Social Security, 2020 provides for such workers, it is not yet in effect. Consequently, states like Rajasthan and Bihar have passed their own laws, while others like Telangana and Jharkhand have invited public consultation. Karnataka initially promulgated an Ordinance in May 2025 and released Draft Rules in July 2025 before introducing this Bill in the Legislative Assembly on August 12, 2025.

Key Features

  • Gig Worker: Defined as someone in a contractual, piece-rate arrangement through a platform for a given rate of payment. They must be electronically registered by the Board within 30 days of onboarding.
  • Aggregator: Defined as a digital intermediary connecting buyers and sellers. Aggregators must register with the Board within 45 days of the Act’s commencement and provide data on registered workers.
  • Transparency: Contracts must be transparent, including terms for payments, deductions, and incentives. Workers must have the explicit right to refuse tasks.
  • Grievance Redressal: Workers can file grievances against aggregators or the Board. Payout or termination disputes go first to the aggregator’s Internal Dispute Resolution Committee; if unresolved in 14 days, the Board makes a final decision.
  • Gig Workers Welfare Fee: A fee between 1% to 5% of the payout per transaction will be collected from aggregators.
  • Welfare Fund: This fund will consist of welfare fees, worker contributions, government grants, and donations. Administrative costs are capped at 5% of the fund.
  • Welfare Board: Chaired by the state Labour Minister, the Board includes government secretaries, a CEO, and representatives from gig workers (4), aggregators (4), and civil society (2).
  • Penalties: Failure to pay the welfare fee incurs 12% annual interest. General contraventions carry fines ranging from Rs 5,000 to one lakh rupees.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

Defining Gig Work

A major challenge is that gig work blurs the lines between employment and self-employment. The Bill defines gig work based on how it is sourced (through a platform) rather than the nature of the relationship (lack of mutual obligation or degree of control).

Table 1: Comparison of Work Forms

ParameterEmployer-EmployeeContract LabourFreelanceGig Work
EngagementWritten, permanent contract.Via agency/contractor.Direct, referrals, or online.Via platform/aggregator.
FlexibilityNone.Limited.High (clients, pay, hours).Choice of hours/location; platform constraints.
ControlDirect control.Supervisory (employer); Ultimate (contractor).Minimal.Ratings, pricing, location tracking.
IncomeRemuneration; no competitors.Multiple (if part-time).Multiple projects.Multiple platforms.

Judicial precedents, such as a Karnataka High Court ruling on Ola drivers and a UK Supreme Court ruling on Uber, suggest that high levels of control over fares and routes can mean workers should be classified as employees rather than independent contractors.

Platform-Only Benefits

The Bill only extends benefits if work is obtained through an online platform. This creates a distinction between workers performing identical tasks (e.g., an Uber driver vs. a traditional taxi driver) solely based on the technology used to source the job.

Financing Social Security

Financing models vary globally. In India, the Employees’ Provident Fund involves joint contributions from employers and employees. The Karnataka Bill follows a tripartite model involving aggregators, workers, and the government.

Table 3: International Financing Models

  • UK: Funded by national insurance and tax; gig workers pay specific national insurance.
  • USA: Contributions by employers, employees, and self-employed.
  • Australia: Public funds and mandatory employer "superannuation" payments if the worker meets the "employee" definition.
  • Singapore: Platforms and workers both contribute to the Central Provident Fund.

Business Model Disparities

Because the welfare fee is a percentage of the payout, business models where the customer pays the worker directly (e.g., Namma Yatri or Rapido) might result in a zero payout from the aggregator, exempting them from the fee. Conversely, platforms that handle the transaction (e.g., Uber or Ola) would be obligated to pay, leading to unequal treatment of similar services.


Comparison of State Laws

FeatureKarnataka (Bill)Rajasthan (Act)Bihar (Act)Telangana (Draft)Jharkhand (Draft)
Gig Worker Def.Via platform; pay by terms.Outside ER-EE relationship.Outside ER-EE; piece-rate.Outside traditional ER-EE.Same as Rajasthan.
Worker Reg.By Board (30 days).By aggregator (60 days).By aggregator (60 days).Self-registration.Same as Rajasthan.
TransparencyParameters/algorithm.No provision.Criteria/data/ratings.Same as Karnataka.Ratings/data/class.
Termination14-day notice.No provision.Same as Telangana.7-day notice/written.Same as Karnataka.
Welfare Fee1% to 5% of payout.% of transaction value.1% to 2% of payout.Same as Rajasthan.% of transaction value.

Karnataka Crowd Control Bill 2025 Legislative Brief

 The following is the full text of the legislative brief for The Karnataka Crowd Control (Managing Crowd at Events and Place of Gathering) Bill, 2025, as provided in the source material:


PRS LEGISLATIVE RESEARCH Jahanvi Choudhary (jahanvi@prsindia.org) October 17, 2025

State Legislative Brief: KARNATAKA

The Karnataka Crowd Control (Managing Crowd at Events and Place of Gathering) Bill, 2025

Key Features

  • The Bill requires a person to obtain permission for organising an event with a crowd of 5,000 or more attendees.
  • The specified authority will conduct an enquiry before granting permission. It will prepare a security plan for the event and fix the duties of organisers and departments such as fire safety and health.
  • Organisers are required to provide an indemnity bond of one crore rupees. They will be liable to pay compensation in cases of deaths or damage to public or private property that may happen during the event.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • The Bill requires organisers to compensate for losses due to crowd disaster or civil disturbance, and this liability arises regardless of fault. The question is whether this is appropriate.
  • The Bill exempts certain family events. The question is whether the exemption based on the purpose of the event alone is appropriate.
  • Organising an unpermitted event is punishable with imprisonment between three and seven years, a fine up to one crore rupees, or both. There is a lack of guidance on determining the punishment within this range.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE BILL

Context

The Bill aims to provide for effective management of crowds at events and places of gathering and to prevent unlawful gathering. It was introduced in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly in August 2025 and referred to a Select Committee chaired by Dr. G. Parameshwara for scrutiny.

Between 2013 and 2023, India registered 1,272 stampede cases leading to 1,394 deaths. While Karnataka registered cases in 2013 and 2014, none were registered between 2015 and 2023 until June 2025, when a crowd rush in Bangalore led to the death of 11 persons.

Currently, multiple laws govern crowd management, including:

  • The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023: Prohibits unlawful assembly of five or more persons.
  • The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023: Empowers police to disperse assemblies and allows magistrates to prohibit them.
  • The Police Act, 1861 & Karnataka Police Act, 1963: Empower authorities to require licenses for public assemblies and maintain order.
  • The National Disaster Management Act, 2005: Provides guidelines (issued in 2014) highlighting issues like casual permit issuance, lack of manpower, and use of untrained security. It recommended debating the legal liability of organisers and making insurance mandatory.

Key Features

  • Permission for organising events: Permission is mandatory for events with a crowd of 5,000 or more. Applications must be submitted at least 10 days prior to the specified authority based on crowd size:
    • 5,000 to 7,000: Officer-in-charge of nearby police station.
    • 7,000 to 50,000: Deputy Superintendent of Police.
    • More than 50,000: Superintendent of Police or Commissioner of Police.
  • Role of the authority: The authority conducts an enquiry into organiser details, purpose, expected crowd, safety measures, and No Objection Certificates (NOCs) from fire safety, health, public works, and traffic police. Permission must be granted or rejected within four days. A security plan (scheme of bandobast) must be prepared.
  • Role of the organisers: Organisers must ensure smooth crowd movement and sign a one crore rupee indemnity bond. They are liable for property damage or fatalities; properties of convicted organisers may be attached to compensate victims.
  • Offences and Penalties:
    • Unpermitted events: 3 to 7 years imprisonment, a fine up to one crore rupees, or both.
    • Civil disturbance: Up to 3 years imprisonment, a fine of Rs 50,000, or both.
    • Disobeying police directions: Rs 50,000 fine and one month of community service.
    • Crowd disaster (crush/surge): 3 to 7 years imprisonment for injuries; 10 years to life imprisonment for fatalities.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

Compensation payable by organisers

  • Regardless of fault: The Bill imposes absolute and unlimited liability on organisers for loss of life or property damage resulting from civil disturbance or crowd disaster. This applies even if they were not negligent. The brief questions if this is appropriate, especially if an incident occurs at a rented venue that was certified safe by other agencies.
  • Comparison with other laws: Laws like the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988 and Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010 have different regimes for no-fault liability and often cap the amount or require insurance.
  • No compensation for injuries: While providing for fatalities, the Bill does not mandate compensation for injuries, unlike the Public Liability Insurance Act, 1991.

Exemptions and Definitions

  • Family events: The Bill exempts family functions like marriages held on private (including leased) premises. The brief questions if exempting events based solely on purpose is appropriate, as crowd management concerns still apply.
  • Vague terms: The terms 'family functions or events' and 'mass gathering' are not defined. This could lead to disputes, such as whether a large Ganpati puja pandal hosted by a family counts as a private family event.

Legal and Procedural Concerns

  • Wide range of punishment: There is no guidance on how a judge should determine punishment within the 3-to-7-year range for the purely factual offence of holding an unpermitted event.
  • Offences by companies: Unlike the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the Bill does not specify which individuals within a company (e.g., directors or managers) would be held liable for offences.
  • Indemnity bond: It is unclear under what specific conditions the required one crore rupee indemnity bond would be invoked.

This brief is based on the Karnataka Crowd Control Bill, 2025 and various referenced statutes and reports.

Trade, Tariffs, and Trust

 Trade, Tariffs, and Trust By David Hebert

Just over a year ago, citing the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), President Trump began unilaterally changing tariff rates with countries around the world. The goal was to restructure global trade. Since this was the first time any president had used IEEPA in this way, it was always going to invite challenges.

In May, the U.S. Court of International Trade ruled against the president. In November, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments on the case. Last week, in Learning Resources v. Trump, the Court issued a 6-3 decision, making it clear that IEEPA does not give the president the power to unilaterally impose, rescind, and adjust tariffs as he sees fit. Chief Justice Roberts, who wrote the majority’s opinion, held that tariffs are fundamentally a taxing power and that, because of this, they are different in kind, not just degree, from the trade tools that IEEPA explicitly authorizes.

This opinion is certainly an important legal victory, but we should not confuse it with an economic one. The damage of tariffs has already been done and it is continuing to be done. Consider that just hours after the Court’s opinion was released, President Trump held a press conference where he said, “[Foreign countries] that have been ripping us off for years are ecstatic. They’re so happy and they’re dancing in the streets, but they won’t be dancing for long. That I can assure you”. True to his word, the president announced later that day that he was using Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 to impose a 10% global tariff on all imported goods for 150 days beginning on February 24th.

As if there were any doubt about this, the White House also posted on X, “Keep Calm and Tariff On”. Later in the weekend, the president announced that the new tariff rate would be 15%, the maximum rate allowed under Section 122. But now, as these tariffs come into effect, the rate is set at 10%, inviting further confusion. It remains unclear whether this is on top of any trade deals that have been signed or if those countries will be somehow exempted. These new tariffs are already raising serious concerns about their legality.

A 2021 survey of members of the American Economic Association found that 95% of economists agreed that tariffs are economically destructive. In other words, a group of people so famous for disagreement that the jokes practically write themselves has 95% consensus on this issue. Plenty of reputable people have asked the question of what the effective tariff rate is, who actually pays the tariffs, and how many jobs will be created or lost. This is important to the work of gathering further evidence of the destructive effects of tariffs. But the decades of empirical, historical, and theoretical work on this front fail to capture the real cost of tariffs. It won’t show up in any BLS report, BEA release, or any other economic report one can imagine.

The real cost is the destruction of trust on the world stage. Trade is not just about transactions; it’s about relationships and trust built and earned over time. This establishes that trading partners will play by agreed-upon rules and that market access is not a bargaining chip to be leveraged whenever one side, in this case Washington, needs a political victory.

Adam Smith understood this. He knew that the wealth of nations wasn’t built on clever tariff schedules or trying to hold the rest of the world hostage. It’s built on expanding the division of labor, broadening the extent of the market, and enabling man’s propensity to “truck, barter, and exchange”. All these things are made possible by stable rules and predictable networks of exchange. Smith understood that tariffs altered these incentives, but even he may have underappreciated the role of trust in international trade, how quickly it can be eroded, and what happens when it is.

Rather than breathing a sigh of relief after the Court’s ruling, the rest of the world is getting further confirmation that this administration, and by extension the United States of America, is no longer trustworthy. The first trade deals of 2026 have included deals meant to limit the damage that can be done by the turn away from trade by the United States. Canada and China announced a “trade reset,” with the Canadian prime minister, Mark Carney, referring to China as “more predictable” than the United States. When China, of all places, is viewed as more predictable than the U.S., something has gone very, very wrong.

That’s not the only warning sign that we’re seeing. The EU has signed trade deals with Mercosur, which covers 31 countries, and with India. The deal with India is particularly noteworthy because it covers 25% of world GDP and over 2 billion people. This deal is so large that the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, referred to it as “the mother of all deals”.

And Prime Minister Carney, after his rousing speech in Davos, is leading the charge of “middle powers” to unite around free trade, providing other countries with an alternative to dealing with U.S. trade policy. The rest of the world is not looking to Canada and Mark Carney because they are somehow world leaders in this space, but because if Canada, one of America’s longest-standing and closest allies, says that they’ve had enough, surely other countries have had enough, too. Carney’s poll numbers show that Canadians support him, even if standing up to Trump imposes serious economic costs.

Political leaders and business executives around the world must ask themselves a new question in international trade: Is access to the largest consumer market in the world worth the cost of dealing with a partner who treats market access as a bargaining chip? Or is it better to work with smaller but more dependable markets whose leaders won’t wake up one morning and decide that they need to alter the deal?

International trade used to be about David Ricardo’s insights about comparative advantage and maximizing gains from trade. Now, it’s about Harry Markowitz’s portfolio theory, diversifying away from risk and minimizing losses in the worst case. The risk they’re hedging against is U.S. policy. While the United States is deglobalizing, the rest of the world is reglobalizing around partners who commit to the impersonal rules of an open-access liberal order.

The Court’s ruling in Learning Resources does nothing to fix this. Worse, neither will the next election. Even if America happens to elect someone who goes on a world tour promising to be a more reliable trading partner, it’s not that easy to restore trust once it’s lost. To the extent that rebuilding trust is possible, it will be a long process that starts from a worse position.

The rest of the world marches on. In boardrooms and government offices, supply chains are being rerouted. Permits to construct factories are being submitted. Long-term contracts are being signed. Investment decisions are being made today with even more uncertainty surrounding American policy, and with this uncertainty taken as a given, not the result of a short-term, recognized error.

New factories around the world aren’t going to be packed up and moved to America because the next president holds a press conference and apologizes. Supply chains being built now won’t be rerouted through the U.S. because a social media post promises that the politics in Washington have changed. Trump showed the rest of the world what is possible in the American system, and the rest of the world is responding predictably.

The word to describe this moment in American history is “hysteresis”. The idea is that something that looks like a small or temporary event, such as a temporary layoff, can have an effect that is much larger than would otherwise be predicted. Hysteresis is a term often used in economics to describe unemployment, where a worker who is originally only temporarily laid off due to a recession never returns to the labor market, or does so only in a limited capacity. Now, we have another example to use in the classroom.

The Court’s ruling in Learning Resources is a genuine victory for free trade and for constitutional limits on executive power. But it does nothing to rebuild the relationships that have already been strained. Every workaround, every legal maneuver, and every new emergency declaration will send the same message to the world: The United States can no longer be trusted. You can’t build lasting trade relationships on that foundation, and the rest of the world is learning not to try.

The Trump Administration wanted to restructure global trade. They got their wish, just not the way they imagined. The rest of the world is restructuring, too, and it’s doing so around the United States, not with it.

The Economic Lessons of Homeric Polities : Part III

 

An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part III

By Tyler Cowen Mar 3, 2025

I. Polities and Economics

In the first article of this series, I outlined what an economic approach to reading Homer’s epic, The Odyssey, might look like. I then turned to Homer’s treatment of comparative political regimes in the second article. In this final essay, I return briefly to The Odyssey’s polities, and then consider the lessons the heroic tale has to tell us about politics and economics today.

The Polities in Brief

Below is a brief and simplified catalog of the major polities described in The Odyssey:

  • Pylos and Sparta: Visited by Telemachus, superficially seem normal but they seem sadder on reflection and Sparta relies on intoxication to support public order.
  • Ogygia, or Calypso: An unbearable paradise, there is no utopia.
  • Phaeacia: Relatively well-run, inward-looking, passive-aggressive, “control freak” syndrome.
  • The Lotus Eaters: Another unbearable “utopia”.
  • The Cyclopes: Anarchistic, brutish, and the community is ineffective and unable to defend itself.
  • Aeolus: A closed society, based on incest, hostile to outsiders, a more extreme and dysfunctional version of Phaeacia.
  • Laestrygonia: Giants, they throw boulders and murder, and in some ways resemble the Cyclopes. Tendencies toward anarchy are widespread, and not confined to the Cyclopes.
  • Aeaea (Circe): There is the bed of tyrannical but beautiful Circe, or life as a well-fed pig. Again, utopias are impossible and immortality would bore us.
  • Cimmeria: Dark, bleak, and unloved by God. Possibly the default setting.
  • The Underworld: Everyone is sad (and dead), yet they talk like actual humans and also tell the truth. Lesson: the living cannot escape artifice and deception.
  • Ithaca: Usually wrapped up in war and revenge-taking, chaotic and lacking in trust and lacking in clarity about sovereignty. This is another one of the default options.
  • Syria: Initially prosperous but wrecked by the arrival of avaricious merchants. Unstable.
  • Crete: A diverse society of perfect trust, within a narrative of Odysseus-in-disguise, but it has no chance of existing.

So, which are the actual options here? To pare down the possibilities, it is necessary to consider which of these polities are presented as actually existing or not. Under one reading of the book, the stress is on Odysseus as narrator. If you add up chapters six through thirteen, a major centerpiece of the book, the stranger and more exotic tales, such as those of Circe and the Cyclopes and the Underworld, are narrated by Odysseus to King Alcinous and the Phaeacians. There are a bunch of weird polities, probably unrealistic, and many of those probably were figments of the narrative imagination in the first place. In the parts of the book that are presented more directly by Homer without the intermediation of Odysseus’s tales, the creatures and the action aren’t nearly so unusual. The world of the stories within a story seems different from the story itself.

The imaginary polities may teach us lessons, but if we rule them out as actual options, we have the following as the actual real-world polities in the story: Pylos and Sparta; Ogygia, or Calypso; Phaeacia; and Ithaca.

In my reading, Pylos and Sparta, the polities visited by Telemachus, is what the world looks like when you do not have the critical faculties acquired by traveling. Pylos is the world prior to an understanding of options, as only Odysseus has seen war, anarchy, orderly kingship, and various polities based on intoxication. Sparta represents post-traumatic tragedy and intoxication as a substitute for ongoing conflict. Ogygia is the rejected and intolerable utopia. Sparta vs. Ithaca is one meaningful contrast, but most of all The Odyssey is a comparison between Phaeacia and Ithaca, so to that contrast I shall now turn.

Ithaca vs. Phaeacia

It is well-known that Homer put many parallel events into his tales of Ithaca and Phaeacia. Bruce Louden (1993, p.6) offered one of the more compelling takes:

Much useful scholarship has focused on the parallels between Odysseus’ stay on Skheria and his arrival on Ithaca… I argue that one extended narrative pattern accounts for much of the structure and shape of the Odyssey’s plot… Stated most simply, the narrative pattern is as follows: Odysseus, as earlier prophesied, arrives at an island, disoriented and ignorant of his location. A divine helper appears, advising him on how to approach a powerful female figure who controls access to the next phase of his homecoming, and points out potential difficulties regarding a band of young men. His identity a secret, as approach to the female is perilous, Odysseus reaches her, discovering a figure who is initially suspicious, distant, or even hostile towards him. She imposes a test on him, whereupon Odysseus, having successfully passed the test, wins her sympathy and help, obtaining access to the next phrase of his homecoming. Their understanding is made manifest in her hospitable offer of a bath. Furthermore, Odysseus is now offered sexual union and/or marriage with the female. Conflict arises, however, between Odysseus and the band of young men. The young men abuse Odysseus in various ways and violate a divine interdiction. The leader of each band has the parallel name of Eury-. Their consequent death, earlier prophesied, is brought about by a divine avenger. A divine consultation limits the extent of the death and destruction.

There is an obvious question of how we are to compare Phaeacia and Ithaca. Under one view, Ithaca is plagued by recurrent internecine warfare, held only at bay by the intervention of the gods. Phaeacia seems to have reached a more stable solution, even though that polity also is rooted in violence in its deeper history, as discussed further above. Once Odysseus leaves, it seems King Alcinous will continue to reign, even if the society is more passive-aggressively dysfunctional and also more isolated than it lets on at first. The Odyssey could then be a critique of the particular kind of heroism exemplified by Odysseus, his men, and the general Achaean attack on the Trojans. It is thus possible to see both The Odyssey and The Iliad as anti-war books of a sort, though they may also see war as inevitable. The comparison embedded in The Odyssey would then be something like, “live out what it means to be human, experience everything, and be wracked by war” (Odysseus and Ithaca) or “go neurotic, be uninteresting, and opt for some measure of highly imperfect but ultimately workable stability” (Alcinous and the Phaeacians).

We also should ask how real the alternative of Phaeacia is. The polities in The Odyssey are characterized by varying degrees of imaginariness. Circe and the Cyclopes and the Sirens would be among the imaginary polities, existing only within tales told by Odysseus. Ithaca is what really exists, Pylos and Sparta, too. So how about the land of the Phaeacians? For Helène Whittaker (1999, p.144) it “… is to be interpreted as an intermediate area, a borderland between the real world and the fairy tale world”. Whittaker describes Scheria [the island of Phaeacia] as the “last temptation” which Odysseus must overcome before he can return to the real world, for him Ithaca. Unlike the other fantasy worlds, however, Scherie is not built on implausible principles or obvious absurdities. Nonetheless Scheria is described as located very far away, at the extremes of the earth, and the Phaeacians are described as having no contact with other peoples. Those are common features of other unreal, fairy tale worlds. Furthermore, the journey from Scheria back to Ithaca is quite mysterious, almost as if Odysseus is waking from a dream. Supposedly he falls asleep and a Phaeacian boat whisks him back home, even though just earlier he had been very far away. The Phaeacians also have a common origin with the Cyclopes, namely through Poseidon (Aronen 2002). Something about that whole tale does not add up (Whittaker 1999, pp.144-145), and arguably the reader is supposed to doubt just how real the Phaeacians are.

At the same time, many features of Phaeacia are quite normal. There is a king and palace and the people who live there are mortal. They have a politics, city walls, a harbor and temples to the gods, and they are both sailors and farmers. It is not hard to mistake Phaeacia for a real polity, whether or not it is. Under this interpretation, The Odyssey is asking whether anything better than Ithaca (or, implicitly, the pillaged Troy) is possible. The answer isn’t “no” for sure, because it is difficult to argue that the Phaeacians are a phony tale for certain. Homer is seeding doubt whether there is really an alternative to perpetual warfare, stopped only intermittently by the intervention of the gods. This is a relatively pessimistic reading of The Odyssey.

Power and the Narrative Discontents in Homer

There is yet another reading of Homer’s Odyssey, a take far from the central image of the book in western popular culture. Contemporary readers tend to stress the journey of Odysseus, his return home, the leaving of Penelope, the battle against the suitors, and the exotic adventures of Odysseus along the way. But so much of the book is actually the conversation of Odysseus with King Alcinous, with other elite Phaeacians listening in. This conversation is in turn bracketed by an initial tale of the loss of Odysseus, and his later return and revenge on the suitors. King Alcinous, in turn, is secure and prosperous throughout the narration.

“The juxtaposition is thus one of art contrasted with power, or in economic terms art as a substitute for power and comfort. You can think of much of The Odyssey as, in its simplest form, a story about the best way to talk to a king.”

Perhaps we should read the tale in its most literal terms, namely what it is like when a heroic man—broke, exiled, and down on his luck—has a chance to talk with a successful King? Odysseus does not seem to be the cognitive inferior of King Alcinous, but he has none of the accoutrements of power or prosperity. How then should such a conversation proceed? Odysseus has to use all of his ingenuity and narrative ability to hold the interest of the King, and he succeeds. The juxtaposition is thus one of art contrasted with power, or in economic terms art as a substitute for power and comfort. You can think of much of The Odyssey as, in its simplest form, a story about the best way to talk to a king.

When the King himself is called upon to speak, he is in fact remarkably uninteresting. For instance, when Odysseus is telling his spellbinding tale of his trip to the Underworld, the Phaeacian veteran Echenus calls upon Alcinous to speak [11: 347]. Alcinous has little to say beyond platitudes, and he concludes by noting and reaffirming his power: “You men will all help him, but I will help the most, since I hold power here.” [11: 352-355].

One political model of The Odyssey is thus the contrast between the curiosity-seeker and storyteller and the successful King. Social norms typically would hold the King to be of higher status and importance, and Homer certainly does recognize the gains from political stability. Still, Alcinous, while effective in his own community, simply is not that sympathetic or interesting a figure. There is much more to life than political rule, but Alcinous cannot channel or reflect those deeper and more varied sides of life.

Nonetheless, Homer does not come out in favor of the curiosity-seeking narrator over the life of the King. The final books of The Odyssey are all about Odysseus seeking to reestablish himself as “king” in his home, although that is a modest kingship compared to that of the kingdom of Alcinous. So even Odysseus, the greatest of narrators in the story, prefers a bit of modest rule and power to the storytelling art, at least temporarily. But again, as discussed above, once Odysseus re-establishes himself in Ithaca, he immediately starts discussing the possibility that he will have to leave again. As to whether men prefer power to storytelling, The Odyssey does not serve up a simple answer but rather recognizes the power of each and the inability of some people to be satisfied with either for very long. Homer of course is himself a storyteller, but he sees that the storytelling of Odysseus to King Alcinous, is ultimately in the service of their attainment or reattainment of power, as was the case of Odysseus returning to Ithaca. That said, the power of curiosity and further storytelling reasserts itself at the end.

Under this reading, there is a new way of fitting together the differences between The Iliad and The Odyssey. Both are about power and political leadership, and how much men desire that power. Both are about the contrast between power and narration, and finally both suggest unsentimental conclusions about what really matters. The Odyssey, however, innovates by showing an alternative way of life, that of Odysseus, where intransitivity reigns, variety-seeking is supreme, and power does not have the final say. In The Iliad, power is the final word from start to finish.

As Robin Osborne pointed out (2004, p.213): “The provisional nature of authority is a fundamental feature of both Homeric poems”. But the all-important roles for power and conflict shine through in both. In short, if you approach Homer as an economist, even in The Odyssey your attention ends up being directed back to war.


Footnotes

Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Finally, consider the deployment of narrative in Phaeacia. The main tale told is a poet Demodocus singing of Aphrodite’s love for Ares, and how Ares had adultery with her, which “shamed the bed of Lord Hephaestus” [8: 265-269]. Nonetheless, the magic chains of Hephaestus trap them and hold them tight. That sounds like a horrible fate, but Hermes suggests he would be willing to be bound by chains three times as strong to have the same chance to sleep with Aphrodite. Poseidon, however, intervenes and asks Hephaestus to release Ares, which eventually he does. Ares and Aphrodite separate, and the story appears to end on a happy note. What is the meaning of this interlude? Could it be that the Phaeacians envy those who achieve something they really desire—sleeping with Aphrodite?—even if it means some time of servitude? Is it the Phaeacians longing for something they do not have, namely true passion?


Biographical Note

Tyler Cowen is the Holbert L. Harris Chair of Economics at George Mason University and serves as chairman and faculty director of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. With colleague Alex Tabarrok, Cowen is co-author of the popular economics blog Marginal Revolution and co-founder of the online educational platform Marginal Revolution University.

The Comparative Polities of Homer’s Odyssey : Part II

 An Economic Approach to Homer’s Odyssey: Part II By Tyler Cowen

I: The Polities of The Odyssey

In the previous article, I outlined what an economic approach to reading Homer’s epic, The Odyssey, might look like. I also noted that what most strikes me about The Odyssey is Homer’s treatment of comparative political regimes. Looking at the wide variety of regimes Odysseus encounters is the focus of this article.

Given that human behavior, at least in The Odyssey, can be understood in terms of non-standard assumptions, what are then the possible states of affairs? Which polities might we look to for arranging human interactions and maintaining political order? Utopia is not readily achieved, not only because of material constraints, but also because human behavior is too restless and too desirous of alternative states of affairs. A straightforward order based on political virtue is also beyond human grasp, again because it clashes with the nature of human beings as we understand them. What then might fit with a vision of humans as restless, intoxicating, deceiving, and self-deceiving creatures? The travel explorations of The Odyssey can be understood as, in part, an attempt to address this question.

I will now consider the major and some of the minor polities described by The Odyssey, roughly in the order they appear in the story.

Pylos and Sparta

Ithaca aside, the first two polities we encounter are through Telemachus. After he leaves home to find news of his father, he stops first in Pylos. His arrival in Pylos and later Sparta will foreshadow the later narratives of Odysseus. Telemachus meets a king (Nestor), is welcomed into a court as a stranger, feasts on meat, is asked to tell his personal story, and other details which mirror many of Odysseus’ stories. The parallels here are obvious and deliberate.

Compared to the later narratives of Odysseus, what is striking about Pylos is how little we understand of it. Much of the talk with Nestor is about how Aegisthus murdered Agamemnon, and how Telemachus hopes to take comparable revenge on the suitors of Penelope. The account is Telemachus-centered, and we receive little insight into how Pylos works. It seems to be an orderly kingdom with steady rule, but we do not get a sense of Telemachus viewing it with the eyes of an inquisitive traveler as we experience with Odysseus.

Later in The Odyssey, when we look back upon Pylos, it doesn’t seem quite so peaceful and sparkling. In Book 15, Telemachus encounters Theoclymenus, who is on the run and taking refuge from Pylos because powerful men there wish to kill him. Theoclymenus admits that he killed “a man of my own tribe.” It is not obvious who is in the right from the tale of Theoclymenus, but Telemachus lets him board the ship as a guest and allows him to travel onwards. Perhaps Telemachus has learned not to trust the polity of Pylos anymore, and that his original understanding of it was flat and lacking in insight, revised after he has now seen more of the world.

A second possible episode of ex post realization about Pylos comes in Book 16, when Penelope is reunited with Telemachus in Ithaca. She exclaims: “Telemachus! Sweet light! I was so sure that I would never see you anymore after you sailed to Pylos secretly, not telling me, to get news of your father.” On the one hand, Penelope simply may have been distraught because Telemachus disappeared without warning. Yet she ends up aware of where Telemachus visited, and her words suggest some note of danger for the foreigner visiting Pylos, again the notion of dangerous foreigner visits being a recurring theme in the narrative. Perhaps we are being told that Pylos really isn’t so much safer than the other locales portrayed in The Odyssey.

Returning to the narrative of Telemachus’ visit, from Pylos the sons of Nestor take Telemachus to Sparta, to set him further on his journey. In Sparta they go first to the house of Menelaus, the King, and again there are features of the story that reflect the adventures of Odysseus, such as a feast, an introduction to a king, and the inhabitants processing the introduction of a stranger. Once again, this polity seems well-ordered, but it doesn’t quite seem happy. As described by Robert Schmiel, “the mood… is one of melancholy remembrance” and “domestic strife beneath the surface.”

There is, however, prosperity. Neighbors and family feast gladly under the king’s roof, and Telemachus notes that the halls of Menelaus are as full of riches as the palace of Zeus. Helen, the Queen, opts for intoxication for the group. At the ceremonies, she decides to mix the wine with drugs to take all pain and rage away and bring forgetfulness. Arguably this is a deliberate contrast with Ithaca. Both polities have been deeply scarred by the war. Ithaca has fallen into unruliness and civil war, whereas Sparta has returned to order, but with sadness, and it is an order kept in place by powerful intoxicants. It is not obvious that Sparta is to be preferred, as it seems to offer less genuine and authentic lives. Helen is familiar with powerful magic drugs from Egypt that are “some good, some dangerous,” leaving open the possibility that Sparta has erred in its reliance on intoxication.

Telemachus expresses his desire to return to Pylos, and his praise of Sparta does not seem entirely positive, noting, “You have made me stay too long.” There is perhaps a parallel between Odysseus’ conversation with King Alcinous and how Telemachus talks with Menelaus. In this back and forth, Telemachus does not show himself to be much of a storyteller. Menelaus tells him he does not wish to keep him there, echoing King Alcinous with Odysseus. Telemachus simply asserts that he wishes to go home; he lacks curiosity and the narrative art. This is perhaps related to his relative lack of resources in imagining how the suitors might be vanquished, as he is fundamentally passive.

In sum, the polities of Pylos and Sparta are shown as wealthy and orderly, yet not entirely successful. Pylos is a black box that appears less attractive with time. Sparta is sad and has chosen intoxication, rather than continued conflict, to deal with the legacy of war.

Ogygia, or the polity of Calypso

We encounter the traveling Odysseus in Book 5, when he is stranded on the island of Ogygia, home of Calypso. Early on we read that “Calypso forces him to stay with her.” Yet Ogygia has many comforts: scents of citrus and pine, luscious forests, and springs of sparkling water. It has “sights to please even a god.” Calypso is ageless and offers Odysseus immortality if he stays.

Yet Odysseus is far from happy, sobbing in grief and longing for home. The first lesson of the polities explained by Odysseus is that there is no utopian answer as to how men should live, as the lack of scarcity is experienced as intolerable. This illustrates Odysseus valuing his discovery process and quest rather than simply wishing to maximize material consumption. Calypso recognizes this when she says his plans are always changing. Odysseus’ exit from Ogygia does not proceed smoothly, though he eventually swims to safety on Phaeacia.

The polity of Phaeacia

In Books 6-8, the reader encounters Phaeacia, which receives the best-developed portrait of any civilization besides Ithaca. They are the main plausible alternative to the homeland of Odysseus. The Phaeacians formerly inhabited Hyperia but were driven out by the Cyclopes to this "distant place," a deglobalized setting. No longer specializing only in dancing, they built walls and temples.

The Phaeacians seem skilled, orderly, patriotic, and full of vigor. However, cracks show in the façade. Athena describes the people as "not too keen on strangers coming from abroad," and instructs Odysseus to walk in silence. There is more than a hint of arbitrary power, as the Queen must look kindly upon a visitor for them to be able to leave. Furthermore, the origins of this polity lie in incest and violence; the King and Queen are uncle and niece, and their ancestry involves a king who ruled over and killed "the Giants." What first seems like a paradise is revealed as a dystopia.

Odysseus finally decides to reject the life of the Phaeacians, despite the King's generous offer to marry his daughter and gain wealth. Before he leaves, King Alcinous inaugurates a festival with contests in every sport to show the Phaeacians are "the best." The Phaeacians come across as passive-aggressive and insecure, wanting guests to leave on terms that recognize Phaeacian superiority. When Odysseus is taunted for being a mere sailor, he competes and fashions a decisive victory.

In sum, Phaeacia is a society with strengths in sailing and storytelling, but weaknesses in mysteriousness and passive-aggressive arrogance. Odysseus is not tempted to stay there. It is an “insiders only” option, less hospitable to outsiders than it pretends. For the curious, the ordinary polity simply is not very alluring.

The Lotus Eaters

Odysseus tells of landing on the island of the Lotus Eaters, who are passive and enjoy their fruit. Those who taste the fruit in turn become passive and lose all desire to leave. This model of the polity makes people happy, yet it must be forbidden because nothing heroic happens there. Like his rejection of Calypso, the utopian is taken off the table.

The Cyclopes

The community of the Cyclopes offers a look at anarchy. They have no councils or common laws, and each makes laws for his own family. However, this anarchy is not impressive; they have no capacity to build ships, and their island remains poor despite a good harbor. It is stated there is "no shipwright among them," suggesting a lack of division of labor.

The polity of the Cyclopes is far from stable or secure. They are not formidable adversaries; their lack of cooperation is parabled by the "Noman" construction, where the other Cyclopes do not help their blinded compatriot because they believe "no man" is killing him. A polity based on pure autonomy does not work.

Aeolus, the closed polity

The island of Aeolus is a surfeit of plenty where twelve children—six boys married to their sisters—feast at a never-ending banquet. Aeolus is the ultimate closed polity, a small mini-paradise that does not brook interference from outsiders. It has no scale, no future, and no real ability to interact with the outside world.

Laestrygonia

Laestrygonia hearkens back to the Cyclopes, with giant inhabitants and a king who eats guests. This suggests that the world of the Cyclopes represents general patterns repeated around the world.

Circe of Aeaea and her seductions

Circe can turn men into pigs with "potent drugs," another form of involuntary intoxication. Odysseus eventually decides to leave, but his men rebel against the suggestion of staying forever. The life of the pigs is intoxication of the body rather than the mind, and it is not a pleasant prospect.

The gloomy city of the Cimmerians

The Cimmerians live in a land covered in mist and cloud that never sees the sun. This polity reflects a default assumption: if nothing happens, polities simply will not shine or prosper.

The Underworld

The Underworld is a polity where everyone is sad and dead. Achilles famously states he would prefer to be a workman on a farm than rule as king of the dead. Yet it is the one place where Odysseus has honest, non-confrontational conversations. No one is trying to drug or enslave him. Artifice and deceit only disappear in the land of the dead; they are inevitable among the living.

Ithaca

Ithaca is marked by war and a radical lack of trust. Even Odysseus and Penelope do not trust each other. Penelope is described as cunning, offering hope to all suitors while her mind moves elsewhere. Telemachus is portrayed as a mediocre, weak man. The ending, where Athena intervenes as a deus ex machina to stop a civil war, leaves one pessimistic about Ithaca's future. The principles of war seem stronger than the principles of peace.

Syria and Crete as coda

The island of Syria is described as a paradise of plenty, but it is vulnerable to "avaricious merchants" who created disorder. The lesson is that even attractive polities are vulnerable. Finally, the description of Crete as a society with no trust problems is labeled by Homer as "lies." It is the most fantastical polity of all and simply may not be real.

There are many lessons we can take from this grand tour of epic polities. In my next article, I will consider the larger question of power in Homer’s narrative.


References Ahrensdorf (2014); Alvis (1995); Aronen (2002); Bresson; Cowen (2008); Dobbs (1987); Dodds (1971); Dougherty (2001); Germain (1962); Kearns (2004); Levy (2011); Louden (1993); Osborne (2004); Raaflaub (2000); Redfield; Rinella (2010); Rose (1969); Schmiel (1972); Scully (1990); Seaford (2004); Segal (1994); Whittaker (1999).

Footnotes Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Schmiel (1972, p.470). Reference to the appearance of a blind poet. On the passive-aggressive nature of the Phaeacians, see Rose (1969).

An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part I

 An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part I By Tyler Cowen

Modeling Homer’s World An economic approach to Homer’s Odyssey is most definitely not about “what Homer really meant.” Instead, the economic approach views Homer through a lens that Homer himself probably never entertained, namely a series of relatively simple models about preferences and constraints. The economic approach is thus a distortion, but perhaps a useful or interesting distortion. It is taking the richness of ideas, presentation, and narrative in Homer and remixing it. For all the complexity lost, this process induces us to engage in a certain kind of reductive prioritization as to how Homer wrote about human nature and politics, and thus it will bring out some elements of the story more than others.

In this series, I will use an economic approach to better understand the implicit politics and economics in The Odyssey. As a “naïve” reader with no training in ancient history, I find the comparative treatment of political regimes as one of the most striking features of the narrative, namely that Odysseus visits a considerable number of distinct polities, and experiences each in a different way. How does each regime operate, and how does it differ from the other regimes presented in the book? Economics forces us to boil down those descriptions and comparisons to a relatively small number of variables. Trying to model the polities in Homer’s Odyssey forces us to decide which are their essential, as opposed to accidental features, and what they might have in common, or which are the most important points of contrast.

You don’t have to hold any special loyalty to the economic approach to think this method might be worthwhile. There is an adage that it is better to trade in a liquid market than an illiquid market. Economics is, in intellectual terms, a liquid market. There are a great number of economists, and many people are familiar with the basic modes of economic thought. So, bringing a new approach to Homer is putting an idea out into a relatively active discussion group, analogous to trading in a liquid market. This seems worth trying for Homer, since The Odyssey has received almost zero attention from economists to date.

The economic approach to Homer’s Odyssey also may help us understand both the strength and limitations of economics as a method. How does economics fare when confronted with extremely complex narratives, taken from a very different time and from a culture somewhat removed from the environment in which economics itself originated? To apply a very “liquid” simple method—economics—to a very “liquid” famous and complex text—Homer’s Odyssey—seems like one way to test economics itself. Nonetheless, the rational choice approach to Homer still seems relatively underexplored, given the fame and influence of the text itself. Below, I define what I mean by an economic approach to Homer. In the next essays, I will consider the politics of the different polities in The Odyssey, applying a comparative perspective.

What does an economic approach to Homer consist of? The economic approach to human behavior is given many interpretations, most commonly the view that people seek wealth or that people are economically selfish. Or an economic approach may be thought of as unearthing the underlying economic preconditions or circumstances of Homer’s world, or of the worlds he wrote about, or of the real polities which may have corresponded to his narrative treatments. Those are interesting approaches, but I intend something more general and more methodological, namely I define an economic approach in terms of modeling. If we take a situation, or for that matter a text, and divide up its information into “claims about preferences” and “claims about prices and constraints,” then, in my view, we are starting to build an economic model. Basic microeconomic models classify situations into more primitive or fundamental claims about preferences and constraints, and then they take those categorizations and see if the currently available toolbox of models—also defined in terms of both preferences and constraints—might apply to them.

To be clear, this methodological approach involves a minimum of ontological commitment. It does not require that people are “actually rational” in any instrumental sense, nor does it require that individuals fully understand the constraints they face. Instead, the economic method, as stipulated here, is best thought of as a means of generating new hypotheses and testing old ones. To compare Homer’s Odyssey to simple neoclassical economic models, let us consider some of the claims about preferences and constraints typically made by mainstream economics:

  1. Humans maximize their utility in a rational manner.
  2. Humans care about goods other than just wealth, but in many market settings, wealth or profit maximization is a sufficient stand-in for utility maximization.
  3. Humans are forward-looking and they will trade transparently with others if the marketplace is sufficiently liquid.

In the world(s) of Homer’s Odyssey, in contrast, the assumptions about human behavior are different. In general terms I think of the core assumptions as looking more like the following:

  1. Humans pursue quests rather than consumption as traditionally defined.
  2. Humans are continually deceiving others and indeed often themselves. Gains from economic trade are scant, but the risk of death or imprisonment is high.
  3. Humans seek out states of intoxication.

Under the economic approach I am proposing, you can think of Homer’s Odyssey as what happens when you inject assumptions along the above lines (with some qualifiers) into a variety of settings. We will end up with a new take on what traditional economics is missing, and more practically, how we might understand real world polities and the political options before us.

The mode of The Odyssey is striking in yet another way: the world is mostly “deglobalized.” That is, the different polities have virtually no contact with each other, or at least no such contact is shown, at least apart from the travels of Odysseus and his men. It is truly a world of separate islands and societies. The gods go everywhere, as they wish; Odysseus and his men are “global” travelers, but the societies themselves are held apart. A major instance of cross-societal contact, of course, is presented in The Iliad, namely the struggle between Sparta and Troy, and that is a brutal, destructive war. The suitors visiting Penelope and living in the house of Odysseus are another example of cross-cultural contact, and this is mainly a mix of coercion and plundering. In any case, the deglobalization helps us view each society in plain stand-alone terms. Let us now turn to the model of human behavior presented in The Odyssey, again noting that I see the key assumptions as humans pursue quests, most live in poverty with a high risk of death or imprisonment, and humans seek out intoxication.

Quests and the poverty of the material world The most straightforward quest in the story is that of Telemachus, the son of Odysseus. Superficially, the travels of Telemachus to Pylos and Sparta are a quest to discover information about his father, but arguably he also wishes to mature and become strong enough to repel the suitors from his household. The major quest surrounding the entire story, and of The Iliad as well, is the quest of the Achaeans to recover Helen for Sparta and Menelaus, and as that story progresses, the desire for revenge and glory. By the time we reach The Odyssey, it is obvious that these struggles have not paid off in terms of material self-interest or physical security. Many of the fighters are dead or condemned to long periods of wandering, unable to reach home in any simple way.

It is a more complex question how we should think about Odysseus himself, but for a start I reject the common portrait of Odysseus as the master manager and manipulator par excellence. It is true that he succeeds in returning home and exacting revenge on the suitors, but consider the costs along the way. He faces death numerous times, and it takes him twenty years to return. Worse yet, he loses most of his men along the way. The Ciconians, the Cyclopes, Scylla, and the Lastrygonians all kill some of Odysseus’ men, with the Lastrygonians destroying eleven of his twelve ships with all their crew. That hardly seems like managerial excellence, and in these narratives, Odysseus is at least partially at fault for the outcomes, if only because he did not beat a more rapid hurry back home. Just consider the take of Eurylochus on the Cyclopes episode: “Remember what the Cyclops did? Our friends went to his home with this rash lord of ours [Odysseus]. Because of his bad choices, they all died.” It is hard to argue with that, and Odysseus himself realizes he made a big mistake.

Instead, I think of Odysseus as seeking knowledge and variety through a quest, even at the possible expense of practical consequences. His initial participation in the Trojan War can be thought of as a quest for victory and glory, and his later time spent wandering around to the different locales of The Odyssey morphs into a quest of a different kind, namely knowledge and self-knowledge. While there are plenty of passages where Odysseus expresses a strong desire to simply return home as soon as possible, a broader look at the story belies “return” as a simple account of his main motive. Odysseus, for all his talk about wanting to get home, often seems quite content to linger, to compete in Olympic games, to make love to Circe, and in general to explore the diversity and strange wonders of the worlds surrounding him. Once he is away from the moorings of either home or having to lead his men in combat, well… the resulting adventures seem pretty interesting. Indeed, that is part of what has made The Odyssey such a compelling tale. The actual desires of Odysseus seem ambiguous, a bit reminiscent of a possible St. Augustine paraphrase: “let me return home, just not yet.” It is perhaps Tennyson, in his poem “Ulysses”, who understands this side of Odysseus best.

Odysseus is always looking to broaden his experiences. When Odysseus is on Aeolus, he doesn’t seem much to mind being trapped. He goes to bed with the beautiful Circe, albeit under the condition that she swears an oath that she will no longer make plans to hurt him. At one point in the book, Odysseus even suggests that the men stay with Circe, “eating and drinking,” with “food enough to last forever” [the men rebel against this suggestion]. Odysseus just doesn’t seem like a loyal guy who wants to get home to his home and wife, but rather he is a wanderer and curiosity-seeker. It is noteworthy that when it comes to the Sirens, Odysseus is indeed keen to hear the song and learn its nature, so rather than stuffing his ears with wax—the treatment for his men—he leaves his ears open and ties himself to the mast.

Odysseus in fact never makes it back to Ithaca through his own volition. In Book 13 he is talking with the Phaeacians when he simply vanishes, and without any explicit intermediate travel, wakes up in Ithaca. There is an implication that this was the work of the goddess Pallas Athena. So, for all his talk, in the final analysis Odysseus was not the active agent of his return. And when Odysseus is leaving Circe, that might be an ideal time for him to return home or at least try to. But no, Homer reports to his men that Circe instructed him to go to the “house of Hades and Persephone”.

In Book 13 we are reminded that Odysseus is not exactly bursting with desire to see his wife. Pallas Athena tells Odysseus that an ordinary man would immediately rush home to see his wife and children, after the long trip he undertook. She tells Odysseus that he did not even ask about them at first, and he was suspicious, feeling the need to first test his wife. On several additional occasions Odysseus details his restlessness and his lack of attention to home and also Penelope.

The account of Odysseus given by Odysseus-in-disguise, after his return to Ithaca, raises further doubts about the motives of Odysseus. Since Odysseus is talking in disguise, this is just a fictional account, designed to mislead, or is it? Odysseus narrates his own story, and he suggests that he deliberately sought a trip to Egypt, “with some pirates” to gather treasure, and he notes that along the way he and his men killed many people, until they were upended by Zeus. Earlier, Odysseus-in-disguise had told a comparable tale to Eumaeus the swineherd, when he mentioned that he had been safely at home with his children and wife and possessions after the Trojan War, but that, “Some impulse made me want to sail to Egypt, with nine ships and a godlike crew.” Again, we probably are not supposed to take that narrative literally, and Odysseus-in-disguise is trying to give an account of his movements while hiding his identity from Eumaeus. There is yet a third time when Odysseus describes his own motives, and that is when Odysseus-in-disguise is narrating his story, and his story of encountering Odysseus, to Penelope on Ithaca. When it comes to the encounter of Odysseus with the Phaeacians, Odysseus-in-disguise offers this account: “They honored him as if he were a god himself, and gave him abundant gifts, and tried to send him home safely. He would have been here long ago, but he decided he should travel more and gather greater wealth. No man on earth knows better how to make a profit.” The point here is not to accept all those stories as true accounts of the motives of Odysseus, but rather to see Homer as raising additional doubts about those motives. Do note that once Odysseus finally does return home, the first thing he tells Penelope is that he may need to leave home again, to make sacrifices to Poseidon.

Finally, compare Odysseus and Menelaus. Menelaus narrates how he was lost at sea for eight years, traveling through Cyprus, Phoenicia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Sidon and Araby, and Libya, seeking to accumulate wealth. He notes that someone entered his kingdom and killed his brother, who was betrayed by his scheming wife. After various sorrows and tales are exchanged, Menelaus winds back to how he returned home. At first the gods prevented his exit, just as was the case with Odysseus, again a deliberate parallel. But Menelaus works very hard to make the proper sacrifices to the gods, and to learn what those sacrifices have to be. After considerable effort and machinations, and after Menelaus had “quenched the anger of the gods,” “The gods at last gave me fair wind, and sent me quickly home.” The contrast with Odysseus could not be more marked, the implication being that Odysseus ultimately chose to dally outside his polity for as long as he did. The King who wanted to return comes back to order, whereas Odysseus ceded control of his household.

In the consolidated story, across the two Homerian epics, Nestor, Diomedes, Idomeneus, Agamemnon, and Menelaus all eschewed the long-term wandering path of Odysseus. For instance, when Telemachus visits Pylos, Nestor is at home with his wife and apparently securely in command of his polity. Odysseus is still off wandering and unable to find his way home.

So how should we imagine Odysseus? Maybe he is a variety-seeker, a love and sex-seeker, a wealth-seeker, a fighter, a glory-seeker, a master manipulator, and also someone who at times wishes to return home and seek vengeance, restoring Ithaca to its proper place. When he presents himself as simply wishing to return home, it is hard to tell if he is deceiving only others or also deceiving himself. In any case, the nature of his quest is a complex one, and he acts as if he is restless, and values discovery above homecoming, at least for most of the choices he makes.

If there is any economic model for the consumption of Odysseus (but not the other characters more generally), it is one of high intertemporal substitution combined with low habit formation, or more prosaically, an extreme curiosity of temporarily intense sampling. That means a lot of one particular thing now (including intoxication, discussed below), and then later on a great deal of something else quite different. Those other goods can include warfare, family life, and travel. The life as a whole is varied and diverse, but most of the individual moments are quite specialized. Among its other insights, The Odyssey is a case study of what such a life would be like, how daunting it would be, how destructive it could be, and how few humans would be well-suited for such an existence.

The economics of intoxication Economic historians disagree about the exact living standards during both Homer’s time and the earlier time he wrote about, but per capita incomes could not have been very high. Most technological revolutions had yet to happen, and opportunities for material accumulation were correspondingly limited, even for relatively wealthy people. Yet intoxicating substances, and of a wide variety, were commonly present. Wine is the most obvious example, but there are enough references to drugs in The Odyssey that intoxication can be seen as one of the major themes.

One of the most important economic decisions a person could make was whether to become intoxicated, and which medium to choose for the intoxication. For those above subsistence and below kingship, there may not have been so many other consumption decisions which so influenced happiness, whether positively or negatively. Intoxication may have been the consumption decision number one for a significant portion of society.

I am reminded of the one poor society I know best, a Mexican village called San Agustin Oapan, where I once did fieldwork. It seemed to me, and this was corroborated by a resident anthropologist, that the rate of male alcoholism there was about fifty percent. Although the resident population was only about 1500, not a day went by when you didn’t see a drunk person passed out in the street. Alcoholism and intoxication are common themes in other poor communities too, and a lot of wealthier ones. We don’t have direct evidence about the rate and degree of intoxication in Homer’s time, but you can take The Odyssey as indirect evidence that intoxication likely was a significant phenomenon.

Our knowledge of intoxicating substances in Homer’s time is partial, but there was wine, poppy-related substances, intoxicating plants, and wine often was infused with further intoxicating substances—the compound pharmacy so to speak. Furthermore, the wine of that time may have been much more potent than the modern versions we buy in the supermarket. When Helen pours drugged wine at the evening festival with Telemachus and Nestor, we are told it will take “all pain and rage away.” The wine is mixed with “powerful magic drugs,” from the fertile fields of Egypt.

If you doubt the potential value of intoxication, consider the alternatives as presented by the voyages of Odysseus. He confronts numerous chances to have a bewitched, drugged, or drunk life, mostly under fairly pleasant circumstances (Calypso, Circe, the Sirens, and arguably the choice he faces to remain in Scheria). He may enjoy those situations for some time, but eventually, he opts for the long and dangerous journey back home, where he then faces a dangerous confrontation with suitors. Odysseus’s journey is often described as one of temptation, but it is less commonly emphasized that most of all he is faced with the temptation of various intoxications.

Odysseus is the one character who can overcome or at least avoid falling into these temptations, and it is striking how Circe describes him: “I am amazed that you could drink my potion and yet not be bewitched. No other man has drunk it and withstood the magic charm. But you are different. Your mind is not enchanted. You must be Odysseus, the man who can adapt to anything.” This is consistent with the above description of Odysseus as a man who is addicted to change and the variety of exploration, an intoxication greater than what any particular drug can offer him, because those drugs would indeed bring his journeys to a final end. It is not obvious that all of Odysseus’s men would make the same choice, and often he is the one organizing the escape or deciding that his crew must not allow itself to be lured by the song of the sirens into a blissful indifference to worldly fates.

The ultimate encounter with intoxication is of course the experience with the Sirens, “who bewitch all passersby,” and “will seduce him with piercing songs.” The songs are so compelling that men will end up as dead, rotting flesh, as they enjoy the songs at the expense of all other ends. There is no defense against their lure, other than to be bound to the mast and to have one’s ears plugged with wax, so that the songs simply are not heard. In that case “just a little intoxication” is not an option, and the song of the Sirens must be abjured altogether. The one who listens to the song, however, is Odysseus, who does not stuff his ears with wax, though he is bound to the mast.

The Cyclops is an example of a creature unable to resist the lure of intoxication, and to his eventual detriment. Odysseus is able to escape, in part, because he manages to get the Cyclops drunk, and the end result is that the Cyclops has a sharp burning stick thrust into his remaining eye. Odysseus’s men face the lure of the sirens, and their song, and we never quite learn just how horrible or pleasant a fate that is going to be. Odysseus turns it down, as he knows it is forever and feels a greater need to keep on moving.

In essence, the intoxication theme is reading Homer through Aldous Huxley, in particular Huxley’s Brave New World. In Huxley’s imagined dystopia, people drug themselves to feel better, when their basic material needs already have been met, so what else is there to do? That might sound like the opposite of Homer’s world, but the emphasis of economics on marginal decisions indicates those apparent opposites may be pretty close after all. Both are instances of “intoxicate because you can’t do any better at the margin,” admittedly at very different absolute levels of consumption and comfort. At very low and very high levels of consumption, if marginal work effort does not yield much, the intoxication decision can be central to economic reasoning.

In my next piece, I will turn from this sort of economic modeling of the tale of The Odyssey and to the variety of polities explored in the epic. From these descriptions, we can search for more even more lessons for political economy today.


References

  • Ahrensdorf, Peter J. Homer on the Gods & Human Virtue: Creating the Foundations of Classical Civilization. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
  • Alvis, John. Divine Purpose and Heroic Response in Homer and Virgil: The Political Plan of Zeus. Rowman & Littlefield, 1995.
  • Aronen, Jaakko. “Genealogy as a Form of Mythic Discourse. The Case of the Phaeacians.” 2002.
  • Bresson, Alain. The Making of the Ancient Greek Economy: Institutions, Markets, and Growth in the City-States.
  • Cowen, Tyler. “Is a Novel a Model?” In The Street Porter and the Philosopher. University of Michigan Press, 2008.
  • Dobbs, Darrell. “Reckless Rationalism and Heroic Reverence in Homer’s Odyssey.” APSR, 1987.
  • Dodds, E.R. The Greeks and the Irrational. University of California Press, 1971.
  • Dougherty, Carol. The Raft of Odysseus. Oxford University Press, 2001.
  • Germain, Gabriel. “The Sirens and the Temptation of Knowledge.” 1962.
  • Kearns, Emily. “The Gods in the Homeric Epics.” The Cambridge Companion to Homer, 2004.
  • Levy, David. The Economic Ideas of Ordinary People. Routledge, 2011.
  • Louden, Bruce. “An Extended Narrative Pattern in the Odyssey.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 1993.
  • Osborne, Robin. “Homer’s Society.” The Cambridge Companion to Homer, 2004.
  • Raaflaub, Kurt A. “Poets, lawgivers, and the beginnings of political reflection in Archaic Greece.” 2000.
  • Redfield, James M. “The Economic Man.” Homer’s Odyssey, Oxford University Press.
  • Rinella, Michael A. Pharmakon: Plato, Drug Culture, and Identity in Ancient Athens. 2010.
  • Rose, Gilbert P. “The Unfriendly Phaeacians.” 1969.
  • Schmiel, Robert. “Telemachus in Sparta.” 1972.
  • Scully, Stephen. Homer and the Sacred City. Cornell University Press, 1990.
  • Seaford, Richard. Money and the Early Greek Mind. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
  • Segal, Charles. Singers, Heroes, and Gods in The Odyssey. Cornell University Press, 1994.
  • Whittaker, Helène. “The Status of Arete in the Phaeacian Episode of The Odyssey.” 1999.

Footnotes Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Available for purchase: The Odyssey, by Homer, translated by Robert Fagles. Not the first attempt to view Homer through a rational choice lens. Dobbs (1987) considers it a critique of political rationalism; Seaford (1987) and Segal (1994) explore reciprocity; Redfield (2009) and Levy (2011) consider economic ethics and thought. Cowen (2008) discusses reading fiction as models. On the ancient Greek economy, see Bresson (2016). On “polis” in Homer, see Scully (1990) and Raaflaub (2000). Homer’s time had growing contact and “globalization” (Dougherty 2001) but political fragmentation (Bresson 2016). Earlier deglobalization of Mycenaean society is discussed by Osborne (2004). See Ahrensdorf (2014) on Odysseus blaming his men. Odysseus shows “careful calculation” and “skill” in Book 7, though procedural rationality may not always serve the social good. See Alvis (1995). On the Sirens, see Germain (1962). Broader implication that there are numerous stories of Odysseus's wandering; Odysseus-in-disguise should not be discounted entirely. See Ahrensdorf (2014). For related preferences, see Elster (1979, 1982); for "the irrational," see Dodds (1971).