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Sunday, July 12, 2026

Tamil Nadu Online Gambling and Gaming Ordinance 2022 Brief

 The following is the full text of the state legislative brief regarding The Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Online Gambling and Regulation of Online Games Ordinance, 2022, as prepared by PRS Legislative Research on October 17, 2022.

Key Features

  • The Ordinance prohibits online gambling and online games of chance played for money or other stakes, specifically including Rummy and Poker.
  • It establishes the Tamil Nadu Online Gaming Authority to regulate providers, identify games of chance, and recommend their inclusion in the schedule of prohibited games.
  • Non-local game providers (based outside Tamil Nadu) must follow specific due diligence or restrict access for people within the state.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • Banning Games of Skill: Some criteria for prohibiting games of chance may inadvertently ban online games of skill. Notably, the Ordinance bans Rummy and Poker, which the Supreme Court has previously recognized as games of skill.
  • Fundamental Rights: The Authority’s power to impose time and monetary restrictions on adults playing online games may violate the right to freedom of expression and the right to life.
  • Jurisdiction and Consistency: The state may lack the jurisdiction to regulate providers based outside Tamil Nadu serving customers outside the state. Additionally, the Ordinance regulates certain games differently when played online versus physically.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE ORDINANCE

Context

In 2021, Tamil Nadu attempted to prohibit all games played for stakes through an amendment to its 1930 Gaming and Police Laws Act, aiming to prevent addiction and suicides. However, the Madras High Court struck this down as arbitrary and excessive. This 2022 Ordinance was subsequently promulgated on October 3, 2022, following recommendations from a committee chaired by Retd. Justice K. Chandru.

Key Provisions

  • Prohibition of Online Gambling: Defined as wagering or betting on online games of chance for money or "other stakes," which includes virtual credits, tokens, or objects purchased in-game.
  • Definition of Online Games of Chance: These are games where (i) chance dominates skill, (ii) they are presented as games of chance, (iii) chance can only be removed by superlative skill, or (iv) they use random event generators (cards, dice, wheels).
  • Tamil Nadu Gaming Authority: This body issues certificates to local providers, sets time/monetary/age limits, and maintains data on gaming activities.
  • Non-Local Providers: Providers outside the state must exercise due diligence, such as entering contracts with customers to ensure they aren't in Tamil Nadu and collecting personal details to establish physical presence.
  • Penalties: Players of prohibited games face up to three months in prison or a fine of ₹5,000. Providers of such games face up to three years in prison or a ₹10 lakh fine.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

The Ordinance May be Banning Online Games of Skill

The criteria used to define "games of chance" are broad. For instance, requiring random event generators to simulate shuffling cards or throwing dice means almost any online card or dice game—including skill-based games like Bridge—could be classified as a game of chance. Furthermore, the requirement of "superlative skill" to eliminate chance sets a higher bar than the Supreme Court's standard of a "substantial degree or preponderance of skill".

Conflict with Judicial Precedents

The Ordinance explicitly bans Rummy and Poker, yet the Supreme Court (1967) and various High Courts have determined these are games of skill. Courts have noted that tasks like memorizing the fall of cards in Rummy require significant skill.

Restrictions on Fundamental Rights and Privacy

By allowing the Authority to dictate how much time and money an adult can spend on online games, the Ordinance may infringe upon Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of expression) and Article 21 (right to life). There is also a concern regarding privacy, as the state would need to monitor individual usage to enforce these limits.

Differentiation Between Online and Physical Play

The Ordinance requires registration for online game providers but not for those providing the same services physically. For example, a newspaper's online crossword would require registration, while the print version would not, despite the Madras High Court noting that skills for board and card games remain the same regardless of the medium.

Jurisdictional Challenges

The Ordinance requires non-local providers to follow due diligence even for customers based outside the state if they don't use geo-blocking to restrict access to Tamil Nadu. Under Supreme Court precedents (1957), a state law must have a real and not illusory territorial connection to the person being legislated upon; the Ordinance may fail this test for providers and customers with no connection to Tamil Nadu.


Annexure: Inter-state Comparison

StateProvisionStatus
Tamil Nadu (2022)Prohibits online gambling and games of chance (inc. Rummy/Poker).Ordinance in force.
Karnataka (2021)Prohibited wagering/betting in any game of chance or skill.Struck down by High Court.
Meghalaya (2021)Permits games of skill/chance with a license.In force.
Andhra Pradesh (2020)Prohibits online gaming, betting, and wagering.Challenge pending.
Nagaland (2015)Permits wagering on games of skill (e.g., Poker) with a license.In force.
Sikkim (2008)Permits games of chance/skill with a license.In force.

Disclaimer: This brief is for informational purposes by PRS Legislative Research, an independent, not-for-profit group. The opinions expressed are those of the authors.

Legislative Brief: Karnataka Gig Workers Welfare Bill 2025

 The following is the full text of the State Legislative Brief on The Karnataka Platform based Gig Workers (Social Security and Welfare) Bill, 2025, published by PRS Legislative Research on August 13, 2025.

Overview of Key Features

  • Registration: Gig workers sourcing work via platforms will receive a unique ID. A Welfare Board will oversee the registration of both workers and aggregators, while also creating and monitoring social security schemes.
  • Welfare Fund: A Social Security and Welfare Fund will be established, funded by aggregators, gig workers, and both central and state governments.
  • Transparency: Aggregators are required to inform workers about work parameters and the impact of automated monitoring and decision-making systems on their working conditions.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • Definition: The Bill’s definition of gig work is based primarily on the manner of obtaining work rather than conceptual features, which may lead to the misclassification of traditional employees as gig workers.
  • Financing: There is an ongoing debate regarding who should bear the primary cost of social security—aggregators, workers, or the government.
  • Business Models: Determining welfare fees as a percentage of payout may result in uneven treatment of similar services depending on an aggregator’s specific business model.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE BILL

Context

The gig economy in India is growing rapidly. NITI Aayog estimated that in 2020-21, 77 lakh workers (1.5% of the workforce) were engaged in gig work, a number expected to rise to 2.35 crore (4.1%) by 2029-30. While the central Code on Social Security, 2020 provides for such workers, it is not yet in effect. Consequently, states like Rajasthan and Bihar have passed their own laws, while others like Telangana and Jharkhand have invited public consultation. Karnataka initially promulgated an Ordinance in May 2025 and released Draft Rules in July 2025 before introducing this Bill in the Legislative Assembly on August 12, 2025.

Key Features

  • Gig Worker: Defined as someone in a contractual, piece-rate arrangement through a platform for a given rate of payment. They must be electronically registered by the Board within 30 days of onboarding.
  • Aggregator: Defined as a digital intermediary connecting buyers and sellers. Aggregators must register with the Board within 45 days of the Act’s commencement and provide data on registered workers.
  • Transparency: Contracts must be transparent, including terms for payments, deductions, and incentives. Workers must have the explicit right to refuse tasks.
  • Grievance Redressal: Workers can file grievances against aggregators or the Board. Payout or termination disputes go first to the aggregator’s Internal Dispute Resolution Committee; if unresolved in 14 days, the Board makes a final decision.
  • Gig Workers Welfare Fee: A fee between 1% to 5% of the payout per transaction will be collected from aggregators.
  • Welfare Fund: This fund will consist of welfare fees, worker contributions, government grants, and donations. Administrative costs are capped at 5% of the fund.
  • Welfare Board: Chaired by the state Labour Minister, the Board includes government secretaries, a CEO, and representatives from gig workers (4), aggregators (4), and civil society (2).
  • Penalties: Failure to pay the welfare fee incurs 12% annual interest. General contraventions carry fines ranging from Rs 5,000 to one lakh rupees.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

Defining Gig Work

A major challenge is that gig work blurs the lines between employment and self-employment. The Bill defines gig work based on how it is sourced (through a platform) rather than the nature of the relationship (lack of mutual obligation or degree of control).

Table 1: Comparison of Work Forms

ParameterEmployer-EmployeeContract LabourFreelanceGig Work
EngagementWritten, permanent contract.Via agency/contractor.Direct, referrals, or online.Via platform/aggregator.
FlexibilityNone.Limited.High (clients, pay, hours).Choice of hours/location; platform constraints.
ControlDirect control.Supervisory (employer); Ultimate (contractor).Minimal.Ratings, pricing, location tracking.
IncomeRemuneration; no competitors.Multiple (if part-time).Multiple projects.Multiple platforms.

Judicial precedents, such as a Karnataka High Court ruling on Ola drivers and a UK Supreme Court ruling on Uber, suggest that high levels of control over fares and routes can mean workers should be classified as employees rather than independent contractors.

Platform-Only Benefits

The Bill only extends benefits if work is obtained through an online platform. This creates a distinction between workers performing identical tasks (e.g., an Uber driver vs. a traditional taxi driver) solely based on the technology used to source the job.

Financing Social Security

Financing models vary globally. In India, the Employees’ Provident Fund involves joint contributions from employers and employees. The Karnataka Bill follows a tripartite model involving aggregators, workers, and the government.

Table 3: International Financing Models

  • UK: Funded by national insurance and tax; gig workers pay specific national insurance.
  • USA: Contributions by employers, employees, and self-employed.
  • Australia: Public funds and mandatory employer "superannuation" payments if the worker meets the "employee" definition.
  • Singapore: Platforms and workers both contribute to the Central Provident Fund.

Business Model Disparities

Because the welfare fee is a percentage of the payout, business models where the customer pays the worker directly (e.g., Namma Yatri or Rapido) might result in a zero payout from the aggregator, exempting them from the fee. Conversely, platforms that handle the transaction (e.g., Uber or Ola) would be obligated to pay, leading to unequal treatment of similar services.


Comparison of State Laws

FeatureKarnataka (Bill)Rajasthan (Act)Bihar (Act)Telangana (Draft)Jharkhand (Draft)
Gig Worker Def.Via platform; pay by terms.Outside ER-EE relationship.Outside ER-EE; piece-rate.Outside traditional ER-EE.Same as Rajasthan.
Worker Reg.By Board (30 days).By aggregator (60 days).By aggregator (60 days).Self-registration.Same as Rajasthan.
TransparencyParameters/algorithm.No provision.Criteria/data/ratings.Same as Karnataka.Ratings/data/class.
Termination14-day notice.No provision.Same as Telangana.7-day notice/written.Same as Karnataka.
Welfare Fee1% to 5% of payout.% of transaction value.1% to 2% of payout.Same as Rajasthan.% of transaction value.

Karnataka Crowd Control Bill 2025 Legislative Brief

 The following is the full text of the legislative brief for The Karnataka Crowd Control (Managing Crowd at Events and Place of Gathering) Bill, 2025, as provided in the source material:


PRS LEGISLATIVE RESEARCH Jahanvi Choudhary (jahanvi@prsindia.org) October 17, 2025

State Legislative Brief: KARNATAKA

The Karnataka Crowd Control (Managing Crowd at Events and Place of Gathering) Bill, 2025

Key Features

  • The Bill requires a person to obtain permission for organising an event with a crowd of 5,000 or more attendees.
  • The specified authority will conduct an enquiry before granting permission. It will prepare a security plan for the event and fix the duties of organisers and departments such as fire safety and health.
  • Organisers are required to provide an indemnity bond of one crore rupees. They will be liable to pay compensation in cases of deaths or damage to public or private property that may happen during the event.

Key Issues and Analysis

  • The Bill requires organisers to compensate for losses due to crowd disaster or civil disturbance, and this liability arises regardless of fault. The question is whether this is appropriate.
  • The Bill exempts certain family events. The question is whether the exemption based on the purpose of the event alone is appropriate.
  • Organising an unpermitted event is punishable with imprisonment between three and seven years, a fine up to one crore rupees, or both. There is a lack of guidance on determining the punishment within this range.

PART A: HIGHLIGHTS OF THE BILL

Context

The Bill aims to provide for effective management of crowds at events and places of gathering and to prevent unlawful gathering. It was introduced in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly in August 2025 and referred to a Select Committee chaired by Dr. G. Parameshwara for scrutiny.

Between 2013 and 2023, India registered 1,272 stampede cases leading to 1,394 deaths. While Karnataka registered cases in 2013 and 2014, none were registered between 2015 and 2023 until June 2025, when a crowd rush in Bangalore led to the death of 11 persons.

Currently, multiple laws govern crowd management, including:

  • The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023: Prohibits unlawful assembly of five or more persons.
  • The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023: Empowers police to disperse assemblies and allows magistrates to prohibit them.
  • The Police Act, 1861 & Karnataka Police Act, 1963: Empower authorities to require licenses for public assemblies and maintain order.
  • The National Disaster Management Act, 2005: Provides guidelines (issued in 2014) highlighting issues like casual permit issuance, lack of manpower, and use of untrained security. It recommended debating the legal liability of organisers and making insurance mandatory.

Key Features

  • Permission for organising events: Permission is mandatory for events with a crowd of 5,000 or more. Applications must be submitted at least 10 days prior to the specified authority based on crowd size:
    • 5,000 to 7,000: Officer-in-charge of nearby police station.
    • 7,000 to 50,000: Deputy Superintendent of Police.
    • More than 50,000: Superintendent of Police or Commissioner of Police.
  • Role of the authority: The authority conducts an enquiry into organiser details, purpose, expected crowd, safety measures, and No Objection Certificates (NOCs) from fire safety, health, public works, and traffic police. Permission must be granted or rejected within four days. A security plan (scheme of bandobast) must be prepared.
  • Role of the organisers: Organisers must ensure smooth crowd movement and sign a one crore rupee indemnity bond. They are liable for property damage or fatalities; properties of convicted organisers may be attached to compensate victims.
  • Offences and Penalties:
    • Unpermitted events: 3 to 7 years imprisonment, a fine up to one crore rupees, or both.
    • Civil disturbance: Up to 3 years imprisonment, a fine of Rs 50,000, or both.
    • Disobeying police directions: Rs 50,000 fine and one month of community service.
    • Crowd disaster (crush/surge): 3 to 7 years imprisonment for injuries; 10 years to life imprisonment for fatalities.

PART B: KEY ISSUES AND ANALYSIS

Compensation payable by organisers

  • Regardless of fault: The Bill imposes absolute and unlimited liability on organisers for loss of life or property damage resulting from civil disturbance or crowd disaster. This applies even if they were not negligent. The brief questions if this is appropriate, especially if an incident occurs at a rented venue that was certified safe by other agencies.
  • Comparison with other laws: Laws like the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988 and Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010 have different regimes for no-fault liability and often cap the amount or require insurance.
  • No compensation for injuries: While providing for fatalities, the Bill does not mandate compensation for injuries, unlike the Public Liability Insurance Act, 1991.

Exemptions and Definitions

  • Family events: The Bill exempts family functions like marriages held on private (including leased) premises. The brief questions if exempting events based solely on purpose is appropriate, as crowd management concerns still apply.
  • Vague terms: The terms 'family functions or events' and 'mass gathering' are not defined. This could lead to disputes, such as whether a large Ganpati puja pandal hosted by a family counts as a private family event.

Legal and Procedural Concerns

  • Wide range of punishment: There is no guidance on how a judge should determine punishment within the 3-to-7-year range for the purely factual offence of holding an unpermitted event.
  • Offences by companies: Unlike the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the Bill does not specify which individuals within a company (e.g., directors or managers) would be held liable for offences.
  • Indemnity bond: It is unclear under what specific conditions the required one crore rupee indemnity bond would be invoked.

This brief is based on the Karnataka Crowd Control Bill, 2025 and various referenced statutes and reports.

Trade, Tariffs, and Trust

 Trade, Tariffs, and Trust By David Hebert

Just over a year ago, citing the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), President Trump began unilaterally changing tariff rates with countries around the world. The goal was to restructure global trade. Since this was the first time any president had used IEEPA in this way, it was always going to invite challenges.

In May, the U.S. Court of International Trade ruled against the president. In November, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments on the case. Last week, in Learning Resources v. Trump, the Court issued a 6-3 decision, making it clear that IEEPA does not give the president the power to unilaterally impose, rescind, and adjust tariffs as he sees fit. Chief Justice Roberts, who wrote the majority’s opinion, held that tariffs are fundamentally a taxing power and that, because of this, they are different in kind, not just degree, from the trade tools that IEEPA explicitly authorizes.

This opinion is certainly an important legal victory, but we should not confuse it with an economic one. The damage of tariffs has already been done and it is continuing to be done. Consider that just hours after the Court’s opinion was released, President Trump held a press conference where he said, “[Foreign countries] that have been ripping us off for years are ecstatic. They’re so happy and they’re dancing in the streets, but they won’t be dancing for long. That I can assure you”. True to his word, the president announced later that day that he was using Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 to impose a 10% global tariff on all imported goods for 150 days beginning on February 24th.

As if there were any doubt about this, the White House also posted on X, “Keep Calm and Tariff On”. Later in the weekend, the president announced that the new tariff rate would be 15%, the maximum rate allowed under Section 122. But now, as these tariffs come into effect, the rate is set at 10%, inviting further confusion. It remains unclear whether this is on top of any trade deals that have been signed or if those countries will be somehow exempted. These new tariffs are already raising serious concerns about their legality.

A 2021 survey of members of the American Economic Association found that 95% of economists agreed that tariffs are economically destructive. In other words, a group of people so famous for disagreement that the jokes practically write themselves has 95% consensus on this issue. Plenty of reputable people have asked the question of what the effective tariff rate is, who actually pays the tariffs, and how many jobs will be created or lost. This is important to the work of gathering further evidence of the destructive effects of tariffs. But the decades of empirical, historical, and theoretical work on this front fail to capture the real cost of tariffs. It won’t show up in any BLS report, BEA release, or any other economic report one can imagine.

The real cost is the destruction of trust on the world stage. Trade is not just about transactions; it’s about relationships and trust built and earned over time. This establishes that trading partners will play by agreed-upon rules and that market access is not a bargaining chip to be leveraged whenever one side, in this case Washington, needs a political victory.

Adam Smith understood this. He knew that the wealth of nations wasn’t built on clever tariff schedules or trying to hold the rest of the world hostage. It’s built on expanding the division of labor, broadening the extent of the market, and enabling man’s propensity to “truck, barter, and exchange”. All these things are made possible by stable rules and predictable networks of exchange. Smith understood that tariffs altered these incentives, but even he may have underappreciated the role of trust in international trade, how quickly it can be eroded, and what happens when it is.

Rather than breathing a sigh of relief after the Court’s ruling, the rest of the world is getting further confirmation that this administration, and by extension the United States of America, is no longer trustworthy. The first trade deals of 2026 have included deals meant to limit the damage that can be done by the turn away from trade by the United States. Canada and China announced a “trade reset,” with the Canadian prime minister, Mark Carney, referring to China as “more predictable” than the United States. When China, of all places, is viewed as more predictable than the U.S., something has gone very, very wrong.

That’s not the only warning sign that we’re seeing. The EU has signed trade deals with Mercosur, which covers 31 countries, and with India. The deal with India is particularly noteworthy because it covers 25% of world GDP and over 2 billion people. This deal is so large that the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, referred to it as “the mother of all deals”.

And Prime Minister Carney, after his rousing speech in Davos, is leading the charge of “middle powers” to unite around free trade, providing other countries with an alternative to dealing with U.S. trade policy. The rest of the world is not looking to Canada and Mark Carney because they are somehow world leaders in this space, but because if Canada, one of America’s longest-standing and closest allies, says that they’ve had enough, surely other countries have had enough, too. Carney’s poll numbers show that Canadians support him, even if standing up to Trump imposes serious economic costs.

Political leaders and business executives around the world must ask themselves a new question in international trade: Is access to the largest consumer market in the world worth the cost of dealing with a partner who treats market access as a bargaining chip? Or is it better to work with smaller but more dependable markets whose leaders won’t wake up one morning and decide that they need to alter the deal?

International trade used to be about David Ricardo’s insights about comparative advantage and maximizing gains from trade. Now, it’s about Harry Markowitz’s portfolio theory, diversifying away from risk and minimizing losses in the worst case. The risk they’re hedging against is U.S. policy. While the United States is deglobalizing, the rest of the world is reglobalizing around partners who commit to the impersonal rules of an open-access liberal order.

The Court’s ruling in Learning Resources does nothing to fix this. Worse, neither will the next election. Even if America happens to elect someone who goes on a world tour promising to be a more reliable trading partner, it’s not that easy to restore trust once it’s lost. To the extent that rebuilding trust is possible, it will be a long process that starts from a worse position.

The rest of the world marches on. In boardrooms and government offices, supply chains are being rerouted. Permits to construct factories are being submitted. Long-term contracts are being signed. Investment decisions are being made today with even more uncertainty surrounding American policy, and with this uncertainty taken as a given, not the result of a short-term, recognized error.

New factories around the world aren’t going to be packed up and moved to America because the next president holds a press conference and apologizes. Supply chains being built now won’t be rerouted through the U.S. because a social media post promises that the politics in Washington have changed. Trump showed the rest of the world what is possible in the American system, and the rest of the world is responding predictably.

The word to describe this moment in American history is “hysteresis”. The idea is that something that looks like a small or temporary event, such as a temporary layoff, can have an effect that is much larger than would otherwise be predicted. Hysteresis is a term often used in economics to describe unemployment, where a worker who is originally only temporarily laid off due to a recession never returns to the labor market, or does so only in a limited capacity. Now, we have another example to use in the classroom.

The Court’s ruling in Learning Resources is a genuine victory for free trade and for constitutional limits on executive power. But it does nothing to rebuild the relationships that have already been strained. Every workaround, every legal maneuver, and every new emergency declaration will send the same message to the world: The United States can no longer be trusted. You can’t build lasting trade relationships on that foundation, and the rest of the world is learning not to try.

The Trump Administration wanted to restructure global trade. They got their wish, just not the way they imagined. The rest of the world is restructuring, too, and it’s doing so around the United States, not with it.

The Economic Lessons of Homeric Polities : Part III

 

An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part III

By Tyler Cowen Mar 3, 2025

I. Polities and Economics

In the first article of this series, I outlined what an economic approach to reading Homer’s epic, The Odyssey, might look like. I then turned to Homer’s treatment of comparative political regimes in the second article. In this final essay, I return briefly to The Odyssey’s polities, and then consider the lessons the heroic tale has to tell us about politics and economics today.

The Polities in Brief

Below is a brief and simplified catalog of the major polities described in The Odyssey:

  • Pylos and Sparta: Visited by Telemachus, superficially seem normal but they seem sadder on reflection and Sparta relies on intoxication to support public order.
  • Ogygia, or Calypso: An unbearable paradise, there is no utopia.
  • Phaeacia: Relatively well-run, inward-looking, passive-aggressive, “control freak” syndrome.
  • The Lotus Eaters: Another unbearable “utopia”.
  • The Cyclopes: Anarchistic, brutish, and the community is ineffective and unable to defend itself.
  • Aeolus: A closed society, based on incest, hostile to outsiders, a more extreme and dysfunctional version of Phaeacia.
  • Laestrygonia: Giants, they throw boulders and murder, and in some ways resemble the Cyclopes. Tendencies toward anarchy are widespread, and not confined to the Cyclopes.
  • Aeaea (Circe): There is the bed of tyrannical but beautiful Circe, or life as a well-fed pig. Again, utopias are impossible and immortality would bore us.
  • Cimmeria: Dark, bleak, and unloved by God. Possibly the default setting.
  • The Underworld: Everyone is sad (and dead), yet they talk like actual humans and also tell the truth. Lesson: the living cannot escape artifice and deception.
  • Ithaca: Usually wrapped up in war and revenge-taking, chaotic and lacking in trust and lacking in clarity about sovereignty. This is another one of the default options.
  • Syria: Initially prosperous but wrecked by the arrival of avaricious merchants. Unstable.
  • Crete: A diverse society of perfect trust, within a narrative of Odysseus-in-disguise, but it has no chance of existing.

So, which are the actual options here? To pare down the possibilities, it is necessary to consider which of these polities are presented as actually existing or not. Under one reading of the book, the stress is on Odysseus as narrator. If you add up chapters six through thirteen, a major centerpiece of the book, the stranger and more exotic tales, such as those of Circe and the Cyclopes and the Underworld, are narrated by Odysseus to King Alcinous and the Phaeacians. There are a bunch of weird polities, probably unrealistic, and many of those probably were figments of the narrative imagination in the first place. In the parts of the book that are presented more directly by Homer without the intermediation of Odysseus’s tales, the creatures and the action aren’t nearly so unusual. The world of the stories within a story seems different from the story itself.

The imaginary polities may teach us lessons, but if we rule them out as actual options, we have the following as the actual real-world polities in the story: Pylos and Sparta; Ogygia, or Calypso; Phaeacia; and Ithaca.

In my reading, Pylos and Sparta, the polities visited by Telemachus, is what the world looks like when you do not have the critical faculties acquired by traveling. Pylos is the world prior to an understanding of options, as only Odysseus has seen war, anarchy, orderly kingship, and various polities based on intoxication. Sparta represents post-traumatic tragedy and intoxication as a substitute for ongoing conflict. Ogygia is the rejected and intolerable utopia. Sparta vs. Ithaca is one meaningful contrast, but most of all The Odyssey is a comparison between Phaeacia and Ithaca, so to that contrast I shall now turn.

Ithaca vs. Phaeacia

It is well-known that Homer put many parallel events into his tales of Ithaca and Phaeacia. Bruce Louden (1993, p.6) offered one of the more compelling takes:

Much useful scholarship has focused on the parallels between Odysseus’ stay on Skheria and his arrival on Ithaca… I argue that one extended narrative pattern accounts for much of the structure and shape of the Odyssey’s plot… Stated most simply, the narrative pattern is as follows: Odysseus, as earlier prophesied, arrives at an island, disoriented and ignorant of his location. A divine helper appears, advising him on how to approach a powerful female figure who controls access to the next phase of his homecoming, and points out potential difficulties regarding a band of young men. His identity a secret, as approach to the female is perilous, Odysseus reaches her, discovering a figure who is initially suspicious, distant, or even hostile towards him. She imposes a test on him, whereupon Odysseus, having successfully passed the test, wins her sympathy and help, obtaining access to the next phrase of his homecoming. Their understanding is made manifest in her hospitable offer of a bath. Furthermore, Odysseus is now offered sexual union and/or marriage with the female. Conflict arises, however, between Odysseus and the band of young men. The young men abuse Odysseus in various ways and violate a divine interdiction. The leader of each band has the parallel name of Eury-. Their consequent death, earlier prophesied, is brought about by a divine avenger. A divine consultation limits the extent of the death and destruction.

There is an obvious question of how we are to compare Phaeacia and Ithaca. Under one view, Ithaca is plagued by recurrent internecine warfare, held only at bay by the intervention of the gods. Phaeacia seems to have reached a more stable solution, even though that polity also is rooted in violence in its deeper history, as discussed further above. Once Odysseus leaves, it seems King Alcinous will continue to reign, even if the society is more passive-aggressively dysfunctional and also more isolated than it lets on at first. The Odyssey could then be a critique of the particular kind of heroism exemplified by Odysseus, his men, and the general Achaean attack on the Trojans. It is thus possible to see both The Odyssey and The Iliad as anti-war books of a sort, though they may also see war as inevitable. The comparison embedded in The Odyssey would then be something like, “live out what it means to be human, experience everything, and be wracked by war” (Odysseus and Ithaca) or “go neurotic, be uninteresting, and opt for some measure of highly imperfect but ultimately workable stability” (Alcinous and the Phaeacians).

We also should ask how real the alternative of Phaeacia is. The polities in The Odyssey are characterized by varying degrees of imaginariness. Circe and the Cyclopes and the Sirens would be among the imaginary polities, existing only within tales told by Odysseus. Ithaca is what really exists, Pylos and Sparta, too. So how about the land of the Phaeacians? For Helène Whittaker (1999, p.144) it “… is to be interpreted as an intermediate area, a borderland between the real world and the fairy tale world”. Whittaker describes Scheria [the island of Phaeacia] as the “last temptation” which Odysseus must overcome before he can return to the real world, for him Ithaca. Unlike the other fantasy worlds, however, Scherie is not built on implausible principles or obvious absurdities. Nonetheless Scheria is described as located very far away, at the extremes of the earth, and the Phaeacians are described as having no contact with other peoples. Those are common features of other unreal, fairy tale worlds. Furthermore, the journey from Scheria back to Ithaca is quite mysterious, almost as if Odysseus is waking from a dream. Supposedly he falls asleep and a Phaeacian boat whisks him back home, even though just earlier he had been very far away. The Phaeacians also have a common origin with the Cyclopes, namely through Poseidon (Aronen 2002). Something about that whole tale does not add up (Whittaker 1999, pp.144-145), and arguably the reader is supposed to doubt just how real the Phaeacians are.

At the same time, many features of Phaeacia are quite normal. There is a king and palace and the people who live there are mortal. They have a politics, city walls, a harbor and temples to the gods, and they are both sailors and farmers. It is not hard to mistake Phaeacia for a real polity, whether or not it is. Under this interpretation, The Odyssey is asking whether anything better than Ithaca (or, implicitly, the pillaged Troy) is possible. The answer isn’t “no” for sure, because it is difficult to argue that the Phaeacians are a phony tale for certain. Homer is seeding doubt whether there is really an alternative to perpetual warfare, stopped only intermittently by the intervention of the gods. This is a relatively pessimistic reading of The Odyssey.

Power and the Narrative Discontents in Homer

There is yet another reading of Homer’s Odyssey, a take far from the central image of the book in western popular culture. Contemporary readers tend to stress the journey of Odysseus, his return home, the leaving of Penelope, the battle against the suitors, and the exotic adventures of Odysseus along the way. But so much of the book is actually the conversation of Odysseus with King Alcinous, with other elite Phaeacians listening in. This conversation is in turn bracketed by an initial tale of the loss of Odysseus, and his later return and revenge on the suitors. King Alcinous, in turn, is secure and prosperous throughout the narration.

“The juxtaposition is thus one of art contrasted with power, or in economic terms art as a substitute for power and comfort. You can think of much of The Odyssey as, in its simplest form, a story about the best way to talk to a king.”

Perhaps we should read the tale in its most literal terms, namely what it is like when a heroic man—broke, exiled, and down on his luck—has a chance to talk with a successful King? Odysseus does not seem to be the cognitive inferior of King Alcinous, but he has none of the accoutrements of power or prosperity. How then should such a conversation proceed? Odysseus has to use all of his ingenuity and narrative ability to hold the interest of the King, and he succeeds. The juxtaposition is thus one of art contrasted with power, or in economic terms art as a substitute for power and comfort. You can think of much of The Odyssey as, in its simplest form, a story about the best way to talk to a king.

When the King himself is called upon to speak, he is in fact remarkably uninteresting. For instance, when Odysseus is telling his spellbinding tale of his trip to the Underworld, the Phaeacian veteran Echenus calls upon Alcinous to speak [11: 347]. Alcinous has little to say beyond platitudes, and he concludes by noting and reaffirming his power: “You men will all help him, but I will help the most, since I hold power here.” [11: 352-355].

One political model of The Odyssey is thus the contrast between the curiosity-seeker and storyteller and the successful King. Social norms typically would hold the King to be of higher status and importance, and Homer certainly does recognize the gains from political stability. Still, Alcinous, while effective in his own community, simply is not that sympathetic or interesting a figure. There is much more to life than political rule, but Alcinous cannot channel or reflect those deeper and more varied sides of life.

Nonetheless, Homer does not come out in favor of the curiosity-seeking narrator over the life of the King. The final books of The Odyssey are all about Odysseus seeking to reestablish himself as “king” in his home, although that is a modest kingship compared to that of the kingdom of Alcinous. So even Odysseus, the greatest of narrators in the story, prefers a bit of modest rule and power to the storytelling art, at least temporarily. But again, as discussed above, once Odysseus re-establishes himself in Ithaca, he immediately starts discussing the possibility that he will have to leave again. As to whether men prefer power to storytelling, The Odyssey does not serve up a simple answer but rather recognizes the power of each and the inability of some people to be satisfied with either for very long. Homer of course is himself a storyteller, but he sees that the storytelling of Odysseus to King Alcinous, is ultimately in the service of their attainment or reattainment of power, as was the case of Odysseus returning to Ithaca. That said, the power of curiosity and further storytelling reasserts itself at the end.

Under this reading, there is a new way of fitting together the differences between The Iliad and The Odyssey. Both are about power and political leadership, and how much men desire that power. Both are about the contrast between power and narration, and finally both suggest unsentimental conclusions about what really matters. The Odyssey, however, innovates by showing an alternative way of life, that of Odysseus, where intransitivity reigns, variety-seeking is supreme, and power does not have the final say. In The Iliad, power is the final word from start to finish.

As Robin Osborne pointed out (2004, p.213): “The provisional nature of authority is a fundamental feature of both Homeric poems”. But the all-important roles for power and conflict shine through in both. In short, if you approach Homer as an economist, even in The Odyssey your attention ends up being directed back to war.


Footnotes

Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Finally, consider the deployment of narrative in Phaeacia. The main tale told is a poet Demodocus singing of Aphrodite’s love for Ares, and how Ares had adultery with her, which “shamed the bed of Lord Hephaestus” [8: 265-269]. Nonetheless, the magic chains of Hephaestus trap them and hold them tight. That sounds like a horrible fate, but Hermes suggests he would be willing to be bound by chains three times as strong to have the same chance to sleep with Aphrodite. Poseidon, however, intervenes and asks Hephaestus to release Ares, which eventually he does. Ares and Aphrodite separate, and the story appears to end on a happy note. What is the meaning of this interlude? Could it be that the Phaeacians envy those who achieve something they really desire—sleeping with Aphrodite?—even if it means some time of servitude? Is it the Phaeacians longing for something they do not have, namely true passion?


Biographical Note

Tyler Cowen is the Holbert L. Harris Chair of Economics at George Mason University and serves as chairman and faculty director of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. With colleague Alex Tabarrok, Cowen is co-author of the popular economics blog Marginal Revolution and co-founder of the online educational platform Marginal Revolution University.

The Comparative Polities of Homer’s Odyssey : Part II

 An Economic Approach to Homer’s Odyssey: Part II By Tyler Cowen

I: The Polities of The Odyssey

In the previous article, I outlined what an economic approach to reading Homer’s epic, The Odyssey, might look like. I also noted that what most strikes me about The Odyssey is Homer’s treatment of comparative political regimes. Looking at the wide variety of regimes Odysseus encounters is the focus of this article.

Given that human behavior, at least in The Odyssey, can be understood in terms of non-standard assumptions, what are then the possible states of affairs? Which polities might we look to for arranging human interactions and maintaining political order? Utopia is not readily achieved, not only because of material constraints, but also because human behavior is too restless and too desirous of alternative states of affairs. A straightforward order based on political virtue is also beyond human grasp, again because it clashes with the nature of human beings as we understand them. What then might fit with a vision of humans as restless, intoxicating, deceiving, and self-deceiving creatures? The travel explorations of The Odyssey can be understood as, in part, an attempt to address this question.

I will now consider the major and some of the minor polities described by The Odyssey, roughly in the order they appear in the story.

Pylos and Sparta

Ithaca aside, the first two polities we encounter are through Telemachus. After he leaves home to find news of his father, he stops first in Pylos. His arrival in Pylos and later Sparta will foreshadow the later narratives of Odysseus. Telemachus meets a king (Nestor), is welcomed into a court as a stranger, feasts on meat, is asked to tell his personal story, and other details which mirror many of Odysseus’ stories. The parallels here are obvious and deliberate.

Compared to the later narratives of Odysseus, what is striking about Pylos is how little we understand of it. Much of the talk with Nestor is about how Aegisthus murdered Agamemnon, and how Telemachus hopes to take comparable revenge on the suitors of Penelope. The account is Telemachus-centered, and we receive little insight into how Pylos works. It seems to be an orderly kingdom with steady rule, but we do not get a sense of Telemachus viewing it with the eyes of an inquisitive traveler as we experience with Odysseus.

Later in The Odyssey, when we look back upon Pylos, it doesn’t seem quite so peaceful and sparkling. In Book 15, Telemachus encounters Theoclymenus, who is on the run and taking refuge from Pylos because powerful men there wish to kill him. Theoclymenus admits that he killed “a man of my own tribe.” It is not obvious who is in the right from the tale of Theoclymenus, but Telemachus lets him board the ship as a guest and allows him to travel onwards. Perhaps Telemachus has learned not to trust the polity of Pylos anymore, and that his original understanding of it was flat and lacking in insight, revised after he has now seen more of the world.

A second possible episode of ex post realization about Pylos comes in Book 16, when Penelope is reunited with Telemachus in Ithaca. She exclaims: “Telemachus! Sweet light! I was so sure that I would never see you anymore after you sailed to Pylos secretly, not telling me, to get news of your father.” On the one hand, Penelope simply may have been distraught because Telemachus disappeared without warning. Yet she ends up aware of where Telemachus visited, and her words suggest some note of danger for the foreigner visiting Pylos, again the notion of dangerous foreigner visits being a recurring theme in the narrative. Perhaps we are being told that Pylos really isn’t so much safer than the other locales portrayed in The Odyssey.

Returning to the narrative of Telemachus’ visit, from Pylos the sons of Nestor take Telemachus to Sparta, to set him further on his journey. In Sparta they go first to the house of Menelaus, the King, and again there are features of the story that reflect the adventures of Odysseus, such as a feast, an introduction to a king, and the inhabitants processing the introduction of a stranger. Once again, this polity seems well-ordered, but it doesn’t quite seem happy. As described by Robert Schmiel, “the mood… is one of melancholy remembrance” and “domestic strife beneath the surface.”

There is, however, prosperity. Neighbors and family feast gladly under the king’s roof, and Telemachus notes that the halls of Menelaus are as full of riches as the palace of Zeus. Helen, the Queen, opts for intoxication for the group. At the ceremonies, she decides to mix the wine with drugs to take all pain and rage away and bring forgetfulness. Arguably this is a deliberate contrast with Ithaca. Both polities have been deeply scarred by the war. Ithaca has fallen into unruliness and civil war, whereas Sparta has returned to order, but with sadness, and it is an order kept in place by powerful intoxicants. It is not obvious that Sparta is to be preferred, as it seems to offer less genuine and authentic lives. Helen is familiar with powerful magic drugs from Egypt that are “some good, some dangerous,” leaving open the possibility that Sparta has erred in its reliance on intoxication.

Telemachus expresses his desire to return to Pylos, and his praise of Sparta does not seem entirely positive, noting, “You have made me stay too long.” There is perhaps a parallel between Odysseus’ conversation with King Alcinous and how Telemachus talks with Menelaus. In this back and forth, Telemachus does not show himself to be much of a storyteller. Menelaus tells him he does not wish to keep him there, echoing King Alcinous with Odysseus. Telemachus simply asserts that he wishes to go home; he lacks curiosity and the narrative art. This is perhaps related to his relative lack of resources in imagining how the suitors might be vanquished, as he is fundamentally passive.

In sum, the polities of Pylos and Sparta are shown as wealthy and orderly, yet not entirely successful. Pylos is a black box that appears less attractive with time. Sparta is sad and has chosen intoxication, rather than continued conflict, to deal with the legacy of war.

Ogygia, or the polity of Calypso

We encounter the traveling Odysseus in Book 5, when he is stranded on the island of Ogygia, home of Calypso. Early on we read that “Calypso forces him to stay with her.” Yet Ogygia has many comforts: scents of citrus and pine, luscious forests, and springs of sparkling water. It has “sights to please even a god.” Calypso is ageless and offers Odysseus immortality if he stays.

Yet Odysseus is far from happy, sobbing in grief and longing for home. The first lesson of the polities explained by Odysseus is that there is no utopian answer as to how men should live, as the lack of scarcity is experienced as intolerable. This illustrates Odysseus valuing his discovery process and quest rather than simply wishing to maximize material consumption. Calypso recognizes this when she says his plans are always changing. Odysseus’ exit from Ogygia does not proceed smoothly, though he eventually swims to safety on Phaeacia.

The polity of Phaeacia

In Books 6-8, the reader encounters Phaeacia, which receives the best-developed portrait of any civilization besides Ithaca. They are the main plausible alternative to the homeland of Odysseus. The Phaeacians formerly inhabited Hyperia but were driven out by the Cyclopes to this "distant place," a deglobalized setting. No longer specializing only in dancing, they built walls and temples.

The Phaeacians seem skilled, orderly, patriotic, and full of vigor. However, cracks show in the façade. Athena describes the people as "not too keen on strangers coming from abroad," and instructs Odysseus to walk in silence. There is more than a hint of arbitrary power, as the Queen must look kindly upon a visitor for them to be able to leave. Furthermore, the origins of this polity lie in incest and violence; the King and Queen are uncle and niece, and their ancestry involves a king who ruled over and killed "the Giants." What first seems like a paradise is revealed as a dystopia.

Odysseus finally decides to reject the life of the Phaeacians, despite the King's generous offer to marry his daughter and gain wealth. Before he leaves, King Alcinous inaugurates a festival with contests in every sport to show the Phaeacians are "the best." The Phaeacians come across as passive-aggressive and insecure, wanting guests to leave on terms that recognize Phaeacian superiority. When Odysseus is taunted for being a mere sailor, he competes and fashions a decisive victory.

In sum, Phaeacia is a society with strengths in sailing and storytelling, but weaknesses in mysteriousness and passive-aggressive arrogance. Odysseus is not tempted to stay there. It is an “insiders only” option, less hospitable to outsiders than it pretends. For the curious, the ordinary polity simply is not very alluring.

The Lotus Eaters

Odysseus tells of landing on the island of the Lotus Eaters, who are passive and enjoy their fruit. Those who taste the fruit in turn become passive and lose all desire to leave. This model of the polity makes people happy, yet it must be forbidden because nothing heroic happens there. Like his rejection of Calypso, the utopian is taken off the table.

The Cyclopes

The community of the Cyclopes offers a look at anarchy. They have no councils or common laws, and each makes laws for his own family. However, this anarchy is not impressive; they have no capacity to build ships, and their island remains poor despite a good harbor. It is stated there is "no shipwright among them," suggesting a lack of division of labor.

The polity of the Cyclopes is far from stable or secure. They are not formidable adversaries; their lack of cooperation is parabled by the "Noman" construction, where the other Cyclopes do not help their blinded compatriot because they believe "no man" is killing him. A polity based on pure autonomy does not work.

Aeolus, the closed polity

The island of Aeolus is a surfeit of plenty where twelve children—six boys married to their sisters—feast at a never-ending banquet. Aeolus is the ultimate closed polity, a small mini-paradise that does not brook interference from outsiders. It has no scale, no future, and no real ability to interact with the outside world.

Laestrygonia

Laestrygonia hearkens back to the Cyclopes, with giant inhabitants and a king who eats guests. This suggests that the world of the Cyclopes represents general patterns repeated around the world.

Circe of Aeaea and her seductions

Circe can turn men into pigs with "potent drugs," another form of involuntary intoxication. Odysseus eventually decides to leave, but his men rebel against the suggestion of staying forever. The life of the pigs is intoxication of the body rather than the mind, and it is not a pleasant prospect.

The gloomy city of the Cimmerians

The Cimmerians live in a land covered in mist and cloud that never sees the sun. This polity reflects a default assumption: if nothing happens, polities simply will not shine or prosper.

The Underworld

The Underworld is a polity where everyone is sad and dead. Achilles famously states he would prefer to be a workman on a farm than rule as king of the dead. Yet it is the one place where Odysseus has honest, non-confrontational conversations. No one is trying to drug or enslave him. Artifice and deceit only disappear in the land of the dead; they are inevitable among the living.

Ithaca

Ithaca is marked by war and a radical lack of trust. Even Odysseus and Penelope do not trust each other. Penelope is described as cunning, offering hope to all suitors while her mind moves elsewhere. Telemachus is portrayed as a mediocre, weak man. The ending, where Athena intervenes as a deus ex machina to stop a civil war, leaves one pessimistic about Ithaca's future. The principles of war seem stronger than the principles of peace.

Syria and Crete as coda

The island of Syria is described as a paradise of plenty, but it is vulnerable to "avaricious merchants" who created disorder. The lesson is that even attractive polities are vulnerable. Finally, the description of Crete as a society with no trust problems is labeled by Homer as "lies." It is the most fantastical polity of all and simply may not be real.

There are many lessons we can take from this grand tour of epic polities. In my next article, I will consider the larger question of power in Homer’s narrative.


References Ahrensdorf (2014); Alvis (1995); Aronen (2002); Bresson; Cowen (2008); Dobbs (1987); Dodds (1971); Dougherty (2001); Germain (1962); Kearns (2004); Levy (2011); Louden (1993); Osborne (2004); Raaflaub (2000); Redfield; Rinella (2010); Rose (1969); Schmiel (1972); Scully (1990); Seaford (2004); Segal (1994); Whittaker (1999).

Footnotes Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Schmiel (1972, p.470). Reference to the appearance of a blind poet. On the passive-aggressive nature of the Phaeacians, see Rose (1969).

An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part I

 An Economic Approach to Homer's Odyssey: Part I By Tyler Cowen

Modeling Homer’s World An economic approach to Homer’s Odyssey is most definitely not about “what Homer really meant.” Instead, the economic approach views Homer through a lens that Homer himself probably never entertained, namely a series of relatively simple models about preferences and constraints. The economic approach is thus a distortion, but perhaps a useful or interesting distortion. It is taking the richness of ideas, presentation, and narrative in Homer and remixing it. For all the complexity lost, this process induces us to engage in a certain kind of reductive prioritization as to how Homer wrote about human nature and politics, and thus it will bring out some elements of the story more than others.

In this series, I will use an economic approach to better understand the implicit politics and economics in The Odyssey. As a “naïve” reader with no training in ancient history, I find the comparative treatment of political regimes as one of the most striking features of the narrative, namely that Odysseus visits a considerable number of distinct polities, and experiences each in a different way. How does each regime operate, and how does it differ from the other regimes presented in the book? Economics forces us to boil down those descriptions and comparisons to a relatively small number of variables. Trying to model the polities in Homer’s Odyssey forces us to decide which are their essential, as opposed to accidental features, and what they might have in common, or which are the most important points of contrast.

You don’t have to hold any special loyalty to the economic approach to think this method might be worthwhile. There is an adage that it is better to trade in a liquid market than an illiquid market. Economics is, in intellectual terms, a liquid market. There are a great number of economists, and many people are familiar with the basic modes of economic thought. So, bringing a new approach to Homer is putting an idea out into a relatively active discussion group, analogous to trading in a liquid market. This seems worth trying for Homer, since The Odyssey has received almost zero attention from economists to date.

The economic approach to Homer’s Odyssey also may help us understand both the strength and limitations of economics as a method. How does economics fare when confronted with extremely complex narratives, taken from a very different time and from a culture somewhat removed from the environment in which economics itself originated? To apply a very “liquid” simple method—economics—to a very “liquid” famous and complex text—Homer’s Odyssey—seems like one way to test economics itself. Nonetheless, the rational choice approach to Homer still seems relatively underexplored, given the fame and influence of the text itself. Below, I define what I mean by an economic approach to Homer. In the next essays, I will consider the politics of the different polities in The Odyssey, applying a comparative perspective.

What does an economic approach to Homer consist of? The economic approach to human behavior is given many interpretations, most commonly the view that people seek wealth or that people are economically selfish. Or an economic approach may be thought of as unearthing the underlying economic preconditions or circumstances of Homer’s world, or of the worlds he wrote about, or of the real polities which may have corresponded to his narrative treatments. Those are interesting approaches, but I intend something more general and more methodological, namely I define an economic approach in terms of modeling. If we take a situation, or for that matter a text, and divide up its information into “claims about preferences” and “claims about prices and constraints,” then, in my view, we are starting to build an economic model. Basic microeconomic models classify situations into more primitive or fundamental claims about preferences and constraints, and then they take those categorizations and see if the currently available toolbox of models—also defined in terms of both preferences and constraints—might apply to them.

To be clear, this methodological approach involves a minimum of ontological commitment. It does not require that people are “actually rational” in any instrumental sense, nor does it require that individuals fully understand the constraints they face. Instead, the economic method, as stipulated here, is best thought of as a means of generating new hypotheses and testing old ones. To compare Homer’s Odyssey to simple neoclassical economic models, let us consider some of the claims about preferences and constraints typically made by mainstream economics:

  1. Humans maximize their utility in a rational manner.
  2. Humans care about goods other than just wealth, but in many market settings, wealth or profit maximization is a sufficient stand-in for utility maximization.
  3. Humans are forward-looking and they will trade transparently with others if the marketplace is sufficiently liquid.

In the world(s) of Homer’s Odyssey, in contrast, the assumptions about human behavior are different. In general terms I think of the core assumptions as looking more like the following:

  1. Humans pursue quests rather than consumption as traditionally defined.
  2. Humans are continually deceiving others and indeed often themselves. Gains from economic trade are scant, but the risk of death or imprisonment is high.
  3. Humans seek out states of intoxication.

Under the economic approach I am proposing, you can think of Homer’s Odyssey as what happens when you inject assumptions along the above lines (with some qualifiers) into a variety of settings. We will end up with a new take on what traditional economics is missing, and more practically, how we might understand real world polities and the political options before us.

The mode of The Odyssey is striking in yet another way: the world is mostly “deglobalized.” That is, the different polities have virtually no contact with each other, or at least no such contact is shown, at least apart from the travels of Odysseus and his men. It is truly a world of separate islands and societies. The gods go everywhere, as they wish; Odysseus and his men are “global” travelers, but the societies themselves are held apart. A major instance of cross-societal contact, of course, is presented in The Iliad, namely the struggle between Sparta and Troy, and that is a brutal, destructive war. The suitors visiting Penelope and living in the house of Odysseus are another example of cross-cultural contact, and this is mainly a mix of coercion and plundering. In any case, the deglobalization helps us view each society in plain stand-alone terms. Let us now turn to the model of human behavior presented in The Odyssey, again noting that I see the key assumptions as humans pursue quests, most live in poverty with a high risk of death or imprisonment, and humans seek out intoxication.

Quests and the poverty of the material world The most straightforward quest in the story is that of Telemachus, the son of Odysseus. Superficially, the travels of Telemachus to Pylos and Sparta are a quest to discover information about his father, but arguably he also wishes to mature and become strong enough to repel the suitors from his household. The major quest surrounding the entire story, and of The Iliad as well, is the quest of the Achaeans to recover Helen for Sparta and Menelaus, and as that story progresses, the desire for revenge and glory. By the time we reach The Odyssey, it is obvious that these struggles have not paid off in terms of material self-interest or physical security. Many of the fighters are dead or condemned to long periods of wandering, unable to reach home in any simple way.

It is a more complex question how we should think about Odysseus himself, but for a start I reject the common portrait of Odysseus as the master manager and manipulator par excellence. It is true that he succeeds in returning home and exacting revenge on the suitors, but consider the costs along the way. He faces death numerous times, and it takes him twenty years to return. Worse yet, he loses most of his men along the way. The Ciconians, the Cyclopes, Scylla, and the Lastrygonians all kill some of Odysseus’ men, with the Lastrygonians destroying eleven of his twelve ships with all their crew. That hardly seems like managerial excellence, and in these narratives, Odysseus is at least partially at fault for the outcomes, if only because he did not beat a more rapid hurry back home. Just consider the take of Eurylochus on the Cyclopes episode: “Remember what the Cyclops did? Our friends went to his home with this rash lord of ours [Odysseus]. Because of his bad choices, they all died.” It is hard to argue with that, and Odysseus himself realizes he made a big mistake.

Instead, I think of Odysseus as seeking knowledge and variety through a quest, even at the possible expense of practical consequences. His initial participation in the Trojan War can be thought of as a quest for victory and glory, and his later time spent wandering around to the different locales of The Odyssey morphs into a quest of a different kind, namely knowledge and self-knowledge. While there are plenty of passages where Odysseus expresses a strong desire to simply return home as soon as possible, a broader look at the story belies “return” as a simple account of his main motive. Odysseus, for all his talk about wanting to get home, often seems quite content to linger, to compete in Olympic games, to make love to Circe, and in general to explore the diversity and strange wonders of the worlds surrounding him. Once he is away from the moorings of either home or having to lead his men in combat, well… the resulting adventures seem pretty interesting. Indeed, that is part of what has made The Odyssey such a compelling tale. The actual desires of Odysseus seem ambiguous, a bit reminiscent of a possible St. Augustine paraphrase: “let me return home, just not yet.” It is perhaps Tennyson, in his poem “Ulysses”, who understands this side of Odysseus best.

Odysseus is always looking to broaden his experiences. When Odysseus is on Aeolus, he doesn’t seem much to mind being trapped. He goes to bed with the beautiful Circe, albeit under the condition that she swears an oath that she will no longer make plans to hurt him. At one point in the book, Odysseus even suggests that the men stay with Circe, “eating and drinking,” with “food enough to last forever” [the men rebel against this suggestion]. Odysseus just doesn’t seem like a loyal guy who wants to get home to his home and wife, but rather he is a wanderer and curiosity-seeker. It is noteworthy that when it comes to the Sirens, Odysseus is indeed keen to hear the song and learn its nature, so rather than stuffing his ears with wax—the treatment for his men—he leaves his ears open and ties himself to the mast.

Odysseus in fact never makes it back to Ithaca through his own volition. In Book 13 he is talking with the Phaeacians when he simply vanishes, and without any explicit intermediate travel, wakes up in Ithaca. There is an implication that this was the work of the goddess Pallas Athena. So, for all his talk, in the final analysis Odysseus was not the active agent of his return. And when Odysseus is leaving Circe, that might be an ideal time for him to return home or at least try to. But no, Homer reports to his men that Circe instructed him to go to the “house of Hades and Persephone”.

In Book 13 we are reminded that Odysseus is not exactly bursting with desire to see his wife. Pallas Athena tells Odysseus that an ordinary man would immediately rush home to see his wife and children, after the long trip he undertook. She tells Odysseus that he did not even ask about them at first, and he was suspicious, feeling the need to first test his wife. On several additional occasions Odysseus details his restlessness and his lack of attention to home and also Penelope.

The account of Odysseus given by Odysseus-in-disguise, after his return to Ithaca, raises further doubts about the motives of Odysseus. Since Odysseus is talking in disguise, this is just a fictional account, designed to mislead, or is it? Odysseus narrates his own story, and he suggests that he deliberately sought a trip to Egypt, “with some pirates” to gather treasure, and he notes that along the way he and his men killed many people, until they were upended by Zeus. Earlier, Odysseus-in-disguise had told a comparable tale to Eumaeus the swineherd, when he mentioned that he had been safely at home with his children and wife and possessions after the Trojan War, but that, “Some impulse made me want to sail to Egypt, with nine ships and a godlike crew.” Again, we probably are not supposed to take that narrative literally, and Odysseus-in-disguise is trying to give an account of his movements while hiding his identity from Eumaeus. There is yet a third time when Odysseus describes his own motives, and that is when Odysseus-in-disguise is narrating his story, and his story of encountering Odysseus, to Penelope on Ithaca. When it comes to the encounter of Odysseus with the Phaeacians, Odysseus-in-disguise offers this account: “They honored him as if he were a god himself, and gave him abundant gifts, and tried to send him home safely. He would have been here long ago, but he decided he should travel more and gather greater wealth. No man on earth knows better how to make a profit.” The point here is not to accept all those stories as true accounts of the motives of Odysseus, but rather to see Homer as raising additional doubts about those motives. Do note that once Odysseus finally does return home, the first thing he tells Penelope is that he may need to leave home again, to make sacrifices to Poseidon.

Finally, compare Odysseus and Menelaus. Menelaus narrates how he was lost at sea for eight years, traveling through Cyprus, Phoenicia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Sidon and Araby, and Libya, seeking to accumulate wealth. He notes that someone entered his kingdom and killed his brother, who was betrayed by his scheming wife. After various sorrows and tales are exchanged, Menelaus winds back to how he returned home. At first the gods prevented his exit, just as was the case with Odysseus, again a deliberate parallel. But Menelaus works very hard to make the proper sacrifices to the gods, and to learn what those sacrifices have to be. After considerable effort and machinations, and after Menelaus had “quenched the anger of the gods,” “The gods at last gave me fair wind, and sent me quickly home.” The contrast with Odysseus could not be more marked, the implication being that Odysseus ultimately chose to dally outside his polity for as long as he did. The King who wanted to return comes back to order, whereas Odysseus ceded control of his household.

In the consolidated story, across the two Homerian epics, Nestor, Diomedes, Idomeneus, Agamemnon, and Menelaus all eschewed the long-term wandering path of Odysseus. For instance, when Telemachus visits Pylos, Nestor is at home with his wife and apparently securely in command of his polity. Odysseus is still off wandering and unable to find his way home.

So how should we imagine Odysseus? Maybe he is a variety-seeker, a love and sex-seeker, a wealth-seeker, a fighter, a glory-seeker, a master manipulator, and also someone who at times wishes to return home and seek vengeance, restoring Ithaca to its proper place. When he presents himself as simply wishing to return home, it is hard to tell if he is deceiving only others or also deceiving himself. In any case, the nature of his quest is a complex one, and he acts as if he is restless, and values discovery above homecoming, at least for most of the choices he makes.

If there is any economic model for the consumption of Odysseus (but not the other characters more generally), it is one of high intertemporal substitution combined with low habit formation, or more prosaically, an extreme curiosity of temporarily intense sampling. That means a lot of one particular thing now (including intoxication, discussed below), and then later on a great deal of something else quite different. Those other goods can include warfare, family life, and travel. The life as a whole is varied and diverse, but most of the individual moments are quite specialized. Among its other insights, The Odyssey is a case study of what such a life would be like, how daunting it would be, how destructive it could be, and how few humans would be well-suited for such an existence.

The economics of intoxication Economic historians disagree about the exact living standards during both Homer’s time and the earlier time he wrote about, but per capita incomes could not have been very high. Most technological revolutions had yet to happen, and opportunities for material accumulation were correspondingly limited, even for relatively wealthy people. Yet intoxicating substances, and of a wide variety, were commonly present. Wine is the most obvious example, but there are enough references to drugs in The Odyssey that intoxication can be seen as one of the major themes.

One of the most important economic decisions a person could make was whether to become intoxicated, and which medium to choose for the intoxication. For those above subsistence and below kingship, there may not have been so many other consumption decisions which so influenced happiness, whether positively or negatively. Intoxication may have been the consumption decision number one for a significant portion of society.

I am reminded of the one poor society I know best, a Mexican village called San Agustin Oapan, where I once did fieldwork. It seemed to me, and this was corroborated by a resident anthropologist, that the rate of male alcoholism there was about fifty percent. Although the resident population was only about 1500, not a day went by when you didn’t see a drunk person passed out in the street. Alcoholism and intoxication are common themes in other poor communities too, and a lot of wealthier ones. We don’t have direct evidence about the rate and degree of intoxication in Homer’s time, but you can take The Odyssey as indirect evidence that intoxication likely was a significant phenomenon.

Our knowledge of intoxicating substances in Homer’s time is partial, but there was wine, poppy-related substances, intoxicating plants, and wine often was infused with further intoxicating substances—the compound pharmacy so to speak. Furthermore, the wine of that time may have been much more potent than the modern versions we buy in the supermarket. When Helen pours drugged wine at the evening festival with Telemachus and Nestor, we are told it will take “all pain and rage away.” The wine is mixed with “powerful magic drugs,” from the fertile fields of Egypt.

If you doubt the potential value of intoxication, consider the alternatives as presented by the voyages of Odysseus. He confronts numerous chances to have a bewitched, drugged, or drunk life, mostly under fairly pleasant circumstances (Calypso, Circe, the Sirens, and arguably the choice he faces to remain in Scheria). He may enjoy those situations for some time, but eventually, he opts for the long and dangerous journey back home, where he then faces a dangerous confrontation with suitors. Odysseus’s journey is often described as one of temptation, but it is less commonly emphasized that most of all he is faced with the temptation of various intoxications.

Odysseus is the one character who can overcome or at least avoid falling into these temptations, and it is striking how Circe describes him: “I am amazed that you could drink my potion and yet not be bewitched. No other man has drunk it and withstood the magic charm. But you are different. Your mind is not enchanted. You must be Odysseus, the man who can adapt to anything.” This is consistent with the above description of Odysseus as a man who is addicted to change and the variety of exploration, an intoxication greater than what any particular drug can offer him, because those drugs would indeed bring his journeys to a final end. It is not obvious that all of Odysseus’s men would make the same choice, and often he is the one organizing the escape or deciding that his crew must not allow itself to be lured by the song of the sirens into a blissful indifference to worldly fates.

The ultimate encounter with intoxication is of course the experience with the Sirens, “who bewitch all passersby,” and “will seduce him with piercing songs.” The songs are so compelling that men will end up as dead, rotting flesh, as they enjoy the songs at the expense of all other ends. There is no defense against their lure, other than to be bound to the mast and to have one’s ears plugged with wax, so that the songs simply are not heard. In that case “just a little intoxication” is not an option, and the song of the Sirens must be abjured altogether. The one who listens to the song, however, is Odysseus, who does not stuff his ears with wax, though he is bound to the mast.

The Cyclops is an example of a creature unable to resist the lure of intoxication, and to his eventual detriment. Odysseus is able to escape, in part, because he manages to get the Cyclops drunk, and the end result is that the Cyclops has a sharp burning stick thrust into his remaining eye. Odysseus’s men face the lure of the sirens, and their song, and we never quite learn just how horrible or pleasant a fate that is going to be. Odysseus turns it down, as he knows it is forever and feels a greater need to keep on moving.

In essence, the intoxication theme is reading Homer through Aldous Huxley, in particular Huxley’s Brave New World. In Huxley’s imagined dystopia, people drug themselves to feel better, when their basic material needs already have been met, so what else is there to do? That might sound like the opposite of Homer’s world, but the emphasis of economics on marginal decisions indicates those apparent opposites may be pretty close after all. Both are instances of “intoxicate because you can’t do any better at the margin,” admittedly at very different absolute levels of consumption and comfort. At very low and very high levels of consumption, if marginal work effort does not yield much, the intoxication decision can be central to economic reasoning.

In my next piece, I will turn from this sort of economic modeling of the tale of The Odyssey and to the variety of polities explored in the epic. From these descriptions, we can search for more even more lessons for political economy today.


References

  • Ahrensdorf, Peter J. Homer on the Gods & Human Virtue: Creating the Foundations of Classical Civilization. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
  • Alvis, John. Divine Purpose and Heroic Response in Homer and Virgil: The Political Plan of Zeus. Rowman & Littlefield, 1995.
  • Aronen, Jaakko. “Genealogy as a Form of Mythic Discourse. The Case of the Phaeacians.” 2002.
  • Bresson, Alain. The Making of the Ancient Greek Economy: Institutions, Markets, and Growth in the City-States.
  • Cowen, Tyler. “Is a Novel a Model?” In The Street Porter and the Philosopher. University of Michigan Press, 2008.
  • Dobbs, Darrell. “Reckless Rationalism and Heroic Reverence in Homer’s Odyssey.” APSR, 1987.
  • Dodds, E.R. The Greeks and the Irrational. University of California Press, 1971.
  • Dougherty, Carol. The Raft of Odysseus. Oxford University Press, 2001.
  • Germain, Gabriel. “The Sirens and the Temptation of Knowledge.” 1962.
  • Kearns, Emily. “The Gods in the Homeric Epics.” The Cambridge Companion to Homer, 2004.
  • Levy, David. The Economic Ideas of Ordinary People. Routledge, 2011.
  • Louden, Bruce. “An Extended Narrative Pattern in the Odyssey.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 1993.
  • Osborne, Robin. “Homer’s Society.” The Cambridge Companion to Homer, 2004.
  • Raaflaub, Kurt A. “Poets, lawgivers, and the beginnings of political reflection in Archaic Greece.” 2000.
  • Redfield, James M. “The Economic Man.” Homer’s Odyssey, Oxford University Press.
  • Rinella, Michael A. Pharmakon: Plato, Drug Culture, and Identity in Ancient Athens. 2010.
  • Rose, Gilbert P. “The Unfriendly Phaeacians.” 1969.
  • Schmiel, Robert. “Telemachus in Sparta.” 1972.
  • Scully, Stephen. Homer and the Sacred City. Cornell University Press, 1990.
  • Seaford, Richard. Money and the Early Greek Mind. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
  • Segal, Charles. Singers, Heroes, and Gods in The Odyssey. Cornell University Press, 1994.
  • Whittaker, Helène. “The Status of Arete in the Phaeacian Episode of The Odyssey.” 1999.

Footnotes Available at the Online Library of Liberty: The Iliad and the Odyssey by Homer, translated by Thomas Hobbes. Available for purchase: The Odyssey, by Homer, translated by Robert Fagles. Not the first attempt to view Homer through a rational choice lens. Dobbs (1987) considers it a critique of political rationalism; Seaford (1987) and Segal (1994) explore reciprocity; Redfield (2009) and Levy (2011) consider economic ethics and thought. Cowen (2008) discusses reading fiction as models. On the ancient Greek economy, see Bresson (2016). On “polis” in Homer, see Scully (1990) and Raaflaub (2000). Homer’s time had growing contact and “globalization” (Dougherty 2001) but political fragmentation (Bresson 2016). Earlier deglobalization of Mycenaean society is discussed by Osborne (2004). See Ahrensdorf (2014) on Odysseus blaming his men. Odysseus shows “careful calculation” and “skill” in Book 7, though procedural rationality may not always serve the social good. See Alvis (1995). On the Sirens, see Germain (1962). Broader implication that there are numerous stories of Odysseus's wandering; Odysseus-in-disguise should not be discounted entirely. See Ahrensdorf (2014). For related preferences, see Elster (1979, 1982); for "the irrational," see Dodds (1971).

Russian Campaign Assessment: Ukrainian Strikes Disrupt Maritime Logistics

 

Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, July 11, 2026

The recent, intensified Ukrainian strikes against Russian seaborne gasoline tankers in the Sea of Azov have reportedly forced Russia to close some maritime routes. On the night of July 10 to 11, Ukrainian forces struck 28 Russian vessels, including 21 tankers, four tugboats, two dry cargo ships, and a dredger. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that these oil tankers were transporting petroleum products in violation of international sanctions, while other vessels supported military logistics. Major Robert “Magyar” Brovdi, commander of the Ukrainian Unmanned Systems Forces (USF), reported that Ukrainian forces struck a total of 76 vessels between July 6 and 11. Consequently, Russian authorities have reportedly suspended maritime traffic through the Kerch Strait and the Don-Azov Canal.

Ukrainian strikes against gasoline transports mark a new phase in efforts to isolate occupied Crimea and disrupt Russian shipping routes for petroleum and grain. Data from Starboard Maritime Intelligence indicates a possible 55 percent decline in vessels with active automatic identification system (AIS) transponders in the Sea of Azov between June 30 and July 11, dropping from 267 to 120 vessels. While AIS data can be spoofed or jammed, the decline suggests that fewer ships are sailing due to the threat of strikes, or that ships are turning off transponders to obfuscate their locations.

Economic and Institutional Developments

Russian consumer gasoline prices are skyrocketing due to Ukraine’s long-range strike campaign against refineries and producers. Consumer prices for gasoline increased by an average of 6.88 percent in June 2026, with AI-92 rising 7.3 percent and diesel rising 7.1 percent. These strikes, occurring during the high-demand summer tourist season, have led to gasoline shortages in at least 78 of Russia’s 83 federal subjects.

Additionally, Russia appears to have engaged in a hacking operation targeting civilian cameras across European NATO member states and Ukraine. According to Dutch intelligence, Kremlin-based hackers accessed civilian cameras, likely including doorbell systems, to identify types of weapons being transported to Ukraine.

In response to the conflict's evolution, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky authorized the creation of two new commands on July 10: the Long-Range (Global) Influence Command, aimed at degrading Russia's warfighting potential in the deep rear, and the Joint Rapid Response Forces within the Ground Forces.

Key Takeaways

  1. Ukrainian strikes in the Sea of Azov forced Russia to close some maritime routes.
  2. AIS data indicates a 55 percent decline in active vessel transponders in the Sea of Azov.
  3. Intensified strikes have likely prompted Russian vessels to alter behavior or obfuscate locations.
  4. Russian gasoline prices are skyrocketing due to refinery strikes.
  5. Russia is targeting civilian cameras in NATO countries and Ukraine for intelligence.
  6. Ukraine created new long-range and rapid-response commands.
  7. Russia launched a large-scale missile and drone attack against Ukraine overnight.
  8. Russian forces advanced near Kostyantynivka-Druzhkivka; Ukrainian forces advanced in the Novopavlivka direction.

Ukrainian Operations in the Russian Federation

The Ukrainian General Staff provided updated battle damage assessments (BDA) for recent strikes:

  • Volgograd City (June 27): A strike on the Titan-Barrikady research center caused $105 million in damages.
  • Leningrad Oblast (July 4): Strikes on the St. Petersburg Oil Terminal damaged eight oil tanks and processing equipment.
  • Yaroslavl Oblast (July 6): Strikes damaged pipelines at the Slavneft-Yanos Oil Refinery.
  • Voronezh Oblast (July 8): A strike on the Borisoglebsk military airfield set fire to 28 kerosene tanks.
  • Republic of Tatarstan (July 8): A strike on the TAIF-NK JSC Oil Refinery damaged a coking unit and utility buildings.
  • Krasnodar Krai (July 10): Strikes on the Ilsky Oil Refinery ignited multiple distillation units.

Russian Supporting Effort: Northern Axis (Sumy Oblast)

Russian forces continued offensive operations but made no confirmed advances. While the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed to have seized Bachivsk, Ukrainian officials stated they still control the settlement and stopped a Russian infiltration attempt. Ukrainian forces used HIMARS and drones to strike Russian artillery and drone control points in the Belgorod and Kursk border areas.

Russian Main Effort: Eastern Ukraine

  • Kharkiv Oblast: Russian forces continued operations north and northeast of Kharkiv City and toward Velykyi Burluk without confirmed advances.
  • Oskil River Direction: Ukrainian counterattacks near Kupyansk and Borova have stalled Russian advances. Ukrainian strikes on radar and electronic warfare stations in Kupyansk have constrained Russian tactical maneuvers.
  • Donetsk Oblast:
    • Russian forces recently advanced in the southwestern outskirts of Kostyantynivka.
    • In the Pokrovsk direction, the first evidence of the Russian “Salehard” USF Battalion was observed.
    • Ukrainian forces advanced in southern Novopavlivka, which remains a contested "grey zone."
    • Ukrainian intermediate-range strikes targeted electrical substations and military training grounds in occupied Volnovakha and Horlivka.

Russian Supporting Effort: Southern Axis

Russian forces are fielding the new K-8 Dvushka strike drone in Zaporizhia Oblast, which is reportedly resistant to electronic warfare. Meanwhile, Ukrainian strikes destroyed a repair base of the 58th Combined Arms Army in Berdyansk. In Kherson Oblast, Ukrainian drone strikes have caused a shortage of high-speed motorboats, impeding Russian movements in the Dnipro River delta.

Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign

Overnight, Russian forces launched 121 drones and 12 missiles (Iskander-M, S-400, Kh-59/69, and Kh-31) against Ukraine. Ukrainian forces downed 111 drones and two cruise missiles. Strikes targeted residential, commercial, and port infrastructure across multiple oblasts, including a guided bomb strike on Sumy City that killed five civilians.

Saturday, July 11, 2026

Newspaper Summary 120726

 Based on the provided source, here is the reproduced article:

India, New Zealand to speed implementation of FTA; to double trade to ₹35,000 cr by 2030

Dalip Singh New Delhi

India and New Zealand have committed to ensuring the early entry into force and effective implementation of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA), as outlined in a vision document unveiled in Auckland on Saturday. The two countries also elevated their ties to a strategic partnership, setting a 2030 roadmap to double bilateral trade in goods and services to ₹35,000 crore (NZ$7 billion) over the next four years.

The strategic partnership envisages deeper cooperation in trade, defence, maritime security, tourism, and culture. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his New Zealand counterpart Christopher Luxon announced the roadmap after bilateral talks in Auckland. The FTA was originally signed on April 27, 2026.

RATIFICATION ON

The announcement is expected to ease concerns over opposition to the pact. While parliamentary readings have been completed, a specific timeline for the agreement to come into force has not yet been set.

External Affairs Secretary (East) Rudrendra Tandon stated that New Zealand has assured India that the agreement enjoys bipartisan political backing and that the ratification process would move ahead swiftly. He noted that despite differences within the ruling coalition, Prime Minister Luxon conveyed that the FTA enjoys broad political support.

Regarding the implementation timeline, Tandon added: “There is no commitment to a set date, but the ratification process has begun... There is hope”. During the visit, leaders also met with CEOs and business heads, urging them to expand investments to help achieve the 2030 trade target.

INVESTMENT PUSH

Describing the FTA as a landmark agreement, Modi said it would deepen economic ties and create new opportunities in market access, investment, services, technology, and talent mobility.

On New Zealand’s announcement to facilitate up to $20 billion in investments, Tandon clarified that the focus is on building a long-term economic partnership rather than creating binding investment commitments.

SME IPO mirage: Debut dazzle, long-term damage

BITTER AFTERTASTE. Over 500 SME IPOs from the past decade are under water; 46 per cent of 100x-subscribed issues are trading below offer price

Dhuraivel Gunasekaran bl. research bureau

India’s SME IPO market, with far lighter listing requirements than the mainboard, has rarely lacked takers. How else can one explain frenzied bidding for a two-showroom motorcycle dealer, a regional chakki atta maker or a farming business deriving most of its revenues from pomegranates? Even repeated instances of fund diversion, mismatched accounts and untraceable entities have barely dented investor appetite.

THE LURE OF GAINS

The lure is simple: spectacular listing gains. That appetite has endured despite a challenging market. Amid geopolitical uncertainty and weak sentiment, just 27 mainboard IPOs have hit the market this year. SME platforms, however, have seen more than three times that number. No mainboard IPO has delivered a 50 per cent listing gain in the past six months.

By contrast, eight SME IPOs have achieved the feat, including three that nearly doubled on debut in the past month alone—making even Phir Hera Pheri’s famous “25 din mein paisa double” promise look conservative.

Yet, beneath the listing-day fireworks lies a sobering reality: Nearly half the SME companies listed over the past decade now trade below their issue price. A bl.portfolio analysis of Capitaline data show that 518 of the 1,052 companies listed on the BSE and NSE SME platforms since January 2016—or 49 per cent—are currently below their offer price. For investors who bought at the offer price and held on, those are uncomfortably close to coin-toss odds. Contrast this with the mainboard where a lower 36 per cent are in the red.

WINNERS & LAGGARDS

The return profile of SME IPOs is highly polarised. While some companies have created spectacular wealth, many more have delivered disappointing returns.

Of the 1,052 SME companies listed since January 2016, 377 (36 per cent) have fallen more than 25 per cent from their issue price, including 80 that have lost over three-fourths of their value. At the other end of the spectrum, 259 companies (25 per cent) have more than doubled from their IPO price, including 131 that have generated returns of over 250 per cent. However, only 63 companies—just 6 per cent of the total universe—have delivered multibagger returns exceeding 500 per cent.

Heavy oversubscription, meanwhile, proved no substitute for due diligence. Of the 294 SME IPOs subscribed more than 100 times, 134 (46 per cent) now trade below their issue price. As many as 102 (35 per cent) have fallen more than 25 per cent. Yet, returns remain sharply polarised: 28 per cent have more than doubled, 21 have delivered returns above 500 per cent, and 10 have crossed the 1,000 per cent mark.

Resourceful Automobile exemplifies the phenomenon. Its ₹12-crore IPO was subscribed 396 times, despite the company operating just two Yamaha dealerships with a workforce of eight. It listed flat and now trades 51 per cent below its issue price.

MOVERS AND SHAKERS

The sectoral break-up paints a similar picture. Among sectors with meaningful representation, ‘Trading’ has been one of the weakest performers, with 42 of 74 stocks (57 per cent) ruling below their issue price and 25 companies losing more than half their value. ‘IT-Software’ presents a mixed bag. While 42 of the 76 companies trade below their issue price, the sector has also produced 17 stocks that have more than doubled. ‘Textiles’, with 51 listings, also disappointed investors, with 61 per cent of the companies in the red.

On the wealth creation side, the ‘Capital Goods’ sector led with 25 stocks with attractive returns from a universe 54 companies, followed by ‘IT-Software’ (17 of 76), ‘Trading’ (15 of 74), ‘Infrastructure Developers’ (11 of 55) and ‘FMCG’ (11 of 49).

WHY GAINS FADED

For years, the SME IPO market was seen as a hunting ground for quick listing gains rather than long-term investing. Strong oversubscription, limited free float, aggressive marketing and rising retail participation often produced sharp debut-day pops. But many of those gains proved short-lived.

Several SME companies have limited operating history and a small revenue base, leaving earnings vulnerable to execution setbacks and economic cycles. As liquidity normalises and early investors book profits, inflated valuations correct. The recent market downturn has merely forced prices to reckon with what the IPO frenzy had overlooked—earnings.


Welcome to the world of AI-nomics

ARTIFICIAL IS REAL. Are you familiar with tokenomics, agentic AI and open-source? Read on to know what these terms mean and how they matter economically to investors

Nishanth Gopalakrishnan bl. research bureau

Artificial intelligence (AI) has arrived and how! It has taken centre stage as the next-gen general purpose technology and is rapidly changing the world as we know it. It is now a force upending markets, business models, capital allocation decisions and even the way we need to plan for our future energy needs. Companies are racing to fold AI into their operations, and some are even learning that adoption without discipline comes with costs.

As this shift plays out, the vocabulary of AI is no longer confined to tech blogs and research papers. It is getting mainstream and quietly infiltrating boardrooms, earnings calls and other market literature. Terms like ‘tokenomics’, ‘agentic AI’ and ‘open-source’ are increasingly becoming how companies describe their spending and strategy.

TOKENS

As humans, the smallest unit of information we use to represent language is a single character. But the smallest unit of language that a large language model (LLM) uses is called a token. A token can be a set of characters, a part of a word, a syllable, a whole word or even a short multi-word phrase. The code that converts language to tokens is called a tokeniser.

A good rule of thumb is that an English word is represented by approximately 1.5 tokens. If you input a prompt that is 100 words long, the LLM will likely work with 150 tokens. After the input is tokenised, the model converts the tokens into vectors, which are long lists of numbers that form the basic computational unit for the model to generate output.

TOKENOMICS

Model providers such as OpenAI and Anthropic bill customers by tokens, which directly relate to the amount of processing their GPUs perform for a given prompt. Just as electricity bills are based on units consumed, LLM billing is based on tokens consumed. A larger, more robust model will cost more per token. Typically, users are billed per million tokens, and input tokens generally cost less than output tokens because generating text requires more processing than reading it.

Recently, some companies experienced ‘tokenmaxxing’, where employees were incentivized to use larger models unnecessarily to boost consumption as a proxy for productivity. One customer of Anthropic reportedly burned $500 million worth of tokens due to failing to set spending caps, while Uber reportedly spent its entire 2026 AI budget in just four months. This led Uber to set a cap of $1,500 per employee per month for AI tools. Despite these costs, the price per token has dropped by over 90 per cent over the last three years.

AGENTIC AI

Agentic AI refers to the ability of an AI model to spawn and deploy agents meant to carry out complex tasks. Agents are autonomous systems that can operate independently, use various tools, and plan and execute tasks step-by-step using an LLM's reasoning abilities.

For example, a user could prompt an agent to "Create a to-do list app." The model would then autonomously define features, write, test, debug, and deploy the code, turning to the user only if it needs additional inputs. Agents can also call external tools via APIs (application programming interfaces). If asked to find a flight, an agent can check a user's Google Calendar for free time and then connect to a travel booking site to collect prices—all without human intervention. However, because agents plan and iterate internally, they can be "token guzzlers" if not managed efficiently.

PROPRIETARY VS OPEN-SOURCE MODELS

A proprietary LLM is developed and owned by an organization (e.g., OpenAI’s GPT series, Anthropic’s Claude, or Google’s Gemini). Their training code, data, and parameters are private.

An open-source model (e.g., Meta’s Llama 4, DeepSeek-R1, or Mistral 3) is available for commercial use without a license from the developer. In the AI world, these are often open-weight models, meaning the model weights are public, but the training data and code remain private. Weights (or parameters) determine which input information a model pays attention to. In an open-weight model, users can ‘fine-tune’ weights for specific tasks or create a distilled model—a smaller, more compute-efficient version specialized for applications like drug discovery or flight scheduling.

SCALING LAWS

Research shows a predicted rise in model performance as three factors are scaled: model size (parameters), training data, and compute power. Balance is essential; the "Chinchilla paper" found that for compute-optimal training, model size and training data should be scaled equally.

While bottlenecks like compute were overcome by switching from CPUs to GPUs and adopting the transformer architecture, training data may be the next hurdle. Digital data availability is finite, and incremental data may soon be contaminated by AI-generated content, potentially limiting future performance gains.

ARTIFICIAL GENERAL INTELLIGENCE

AGI, or "strong AI," refers to an AI system that matches or surpasses human cognitive abilities, autonomously learning and transferring knowledge across unfamiliar tasks. Current LLMs are still considered Artificial Narrow Intelligence (ANI) or "weak AI," as they are designed to excel at predefined tasks. While versatile, critics argue LLMs are still far from achieving human-level spatial reasoning, social-emotional awareness, or fine motor coordination.


FDA inspections

SIMPLY PUT.

Sai Prabhakar Yadavalli bl. research bureau

Leo and Emraan meet in the office cafeteria over a cup of coffee, and the discussion moves from football to US FDA at a surprising pace.

Leo: Hey, did you see the match yesterday? Argentina won like I said.

Emraan: The player made a foul and should have been carded, and you know it. Speaking of Red Cards, your team won, but one of your investments recently got a red card. I read in the news that a pharma company got a FDA observation. Can you explain the FDA thing in detail please? Keeps happening often.

Leo: Sure, anything to forget the pain of loss. US FDA is the regulatory body that regulates pharmaceutical products sold in the US. To ensure safety of the products and compliance with good manufacturing practices, which are quite stringent, FDA regularly inspects plants from where products (even generics) meant for the US are manufactured. At the end of the inspection, a Form 483 is issued, which only contains the list of deficiencies in the manufacturing process. But based on this, the plant is judged.

If FDA determines NAI (no action indicated), the plant has done well and operations continue. Slightly milder is VAI (voluntary action indicated), where a voluntary action is expected of the plant/company to improve. If an OAI (official action indicated) is passed, then the company will have to make corrections along prescribed lines. But at the extreme end, a warning letter will be issued, which essentially closes a plant to US exports until the time corrections are made. This is, in short, the FDA inspection process.

Emraan: How much impact will the latter two have – OAI and warning letter?

Leo: The first two have no impact. OAI, on the other hand, mostly allows the plant to continue its current operations. But new product approvals will be withheld. This is the crucial pain point. US generics face consistent price erosion of 6-8 per cent per year under normal circumstances. The only way to counter this impact is a consistent flow of new products. If this is delayed, the impact of price erosion and lost sales of new products will impact the US operations. If the new product was time-sensitive, including the first-day launch or first-wave launches, then the product launch itself loses relevance for investors/company.

A warning letter will close the plant to US sales, new and existing, until the time the issues are addressed. Most likely, the correction process will include a re-inspection by the US FDA as well. It is not unusual for the process to last more than two years for a plant, which shows up on the company’s RoE metrics as well.

Then there is the second-order impact of any adverse observation. Cost of consultants hired to make the corrections is significant. Companies also look to shift the filing of new products from that plant to either a new one or a third party, which involves time and cost of filing/shifting. The US FDA is also used as a barometer for many other countries’ regulatory bodies which might have a cascading effect on the plant.

Emraan: What triggers an inspection in the first place?

Leo: Firstly, these are not pre-announced and can be spontaneous. But the US FDA periodically inspects facilities and a rule of thumb can be around two years. But a few years ago, the detection of nitrosamine impurities in a few medicines sparked a slew of inspections, leading to several other simultaneous inspections across companies in India, which resulted in observations and issuing of warning letters.

Then there were product-specific inspections also. If a company has filed an Abbreviated New Drug Application (ANDA) to manufacture a complex product like respiratory drug-device combination, biosimilar, insulins, or peptides, even if they are generic, one can most certainly expect a product-specific inspection as well.

Emraan: Wow! That is a high degree of regulation. But considering pharma, it is expected.

Leo: Yes, just like how Argentina was expected to win.


Holding steady

INDEX OUTLOOK. Broader outlook remains positive in spite of the failed head and shoulder pattern

Gurumurthy K bl. research bureau

IMMEDIATE RESISTANCE

  • Nifty 50: 24,350
  • Sensex: 78,800
  • Nifty Bank: 58,900

Last week, we had said that the Nifty 50 and Sensex are looking bullish with an inverted head and shoulder pattern formation. This pattern has failed. The sharp fall on Wednesday, after the US announced that the ceasefire was over, played the spoil sport.

Although the pattern has failed, the broader picture remains positive. The recovery towards the end of the week indicates the presence of buyers in the market at lower levels. The Sensex and Nifty which were down about 2 per cent mid-week have recovered and closed the week marginally lower by 0.25 per cent each. As such, the development on the US-Iran war front has not changed anything on our overall bullish outlook.

FPIs BUY

The foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) continue to buy Indian equities. The equity segment saw a net inflow of about $1.59 billion so far in July. There has been an inflow of about $3 billion in the last four weeks. Are the FPIs coming back? We need to wait and watch. If the FPIs increase their pace of purchase, then the Sensex and Nifty can scale new highs in the coming months.

NIFTY 50 (24,206.90)

Short-term view: The support at 23,800 continues to hold well. That keeps the bias positive. Immediate resistance is at 24,350. A break above it can strengthen the momentum. Such a break can take the Nifty up to 24,800 in the short term.

Failure to breach 24,350 can drag the Nifty down to 24,000-23,900. In that case, Nifty can remain in a range of 23,800-24,350 for some time. The short-term picture will turn negative only if the index declines below 23,800. If that happens, a fall to 23,500 and even lower can be seen.

Medium-term view: The broader 22,000-26,500 range is intact. Within that, Nifty is moving up and is expected to rise towards 26,500, the upper end of the range. A break above 24,800 will clear the way for this rise.

The long-term picture remains positive to get a bullish breakout above 26,500 eventually. Such a break can take the Nifty higher to 28,000 and even 30,000 in the long term. A fall below 22,000 is needed to negate this bullish view.

NIFTY BANK (58,045.90)

Short-term view: Except for the high volatility, the Nifty Bank index oscillated well within its 56,500-58,900 range. The near-term picture continues to remain unclear. We have to wait for a breakout on either side of 56,500-58,900 to get clarity on the next move.

The bias is positive. So, we see higher chances for the index to breach 58,900 and rise to 60,500-61,500 in the short term. The outlook will turn negative only if the index declines below 56,500. In that case, 56,000 or even 55,000 can be seen on the downside. Our preference is to see a bullish breakout above 58,900.

Medium-term view: The overall bullish picture is intact. Key resistance to watch will be 61,500. A break above it will clear the way for a rise to 65,000 in the medium term. From a long-term perspective, there is potential for the Nifty Bank index to target 68,000-69,000.

Crucial supports are at 53,500 and 50,000. The above-mentioned bullish view will turn wrong only if the Nifty Bank index declines below 50,000. But that looks unlikely now.

SENSEX (77,569.39)

Short-term view: The 76,300-76,000 support zone mentioned last week has held very well. Sensex touched a low of 76,259 and has recovered from there. Immediate support is at 77,100. A rise to 78,250 or even 78,800 looks likely this week. A decisive break above 78,800 will boost the momentum and can take the index up to 81,000-81,500 in the short term.

Key support to watch will be 76,000. The short-term outlook will turn negative if the Sensex declines below this support. In that case, a fall to 74,000-73,000 is possible.

Medium-term view: For now, the 71,000-86,000 range is intact and the Sensex can go up within it. A rise above 81,500 will increase the chances of seeing 86,000, the upper end of the range, in the medium term. We expect the Sensex to breach 86,000 eventually and rally to 90,000 and even 94,000 over the long term. This bullish view will go wrong only if the Sensex declines below 71,000.

NIFTY MIDCAP 150 (23,166.50)

The index broke the support at 22,600 but did not sustain. It has risen back from the low of 22,431.35 recovering all the loss. The index is now coming close to the crucial resistance level of 23,300. We expect it to breach this hurdle and rise to 26,000-26,500 in the medium term. Such rise will strengthen the momentum and keep the doors open for a rally to 28,000-28,500 in the long term.

Failure to breach 23,300 can drag the index down to 22,800-22,700. The index has to get a sustained fall below 22,500 to turn the short-term picture negative. Only then a fall to 22,000 and lower levels will come into the picture. We reiterate that 21,000-20,800 is a crucial support which has to be broken to turn the long-term outlook bearish.

NIFTY SMALLCAP 250 (18,118.90)

The support 17,500 continued to limit the downside for the third consecutive week. The strong bounce from the low of 17,526 keeps the chances high to breach the resistance at 18,300 this week. Such a break will boost the momentum. It will also clear the way for the Nifty Smallcap 250 index to rally to 22,500-23,000 in the medium term and 24,000-25,000 in the long term.

The index will come under pressure for a fall to 17,000-16,500 only if it breaks below 17,500. For this to happen, the index has to get a strong selling from around 18,300.


More upside left

US MARKET OUTLOOK. The benchmark indices have more room to rise

Gurumurthy K bl. research bureau

The Dow Jones Industrial Average is struggling to rise while the S&P 500 and the NASDAQ Composite indices are slowly gaining strength. The Dow Jones was down 0.5 per cent for the week. The S&P 500 and the NASDAQ Composite indices were up 1.2 and 1.7 per cent respectively last week.

Last week, we had cautioned about getting a trend reversal. It looks like this reversal can now happen with a slight delay. The S&P 500 and the NASDAQ Composite indices have room to rise more before hitting a peak. To that extent, the Dow Jones can also manage to hold higher.

Here is an analysis on where the US markets are headed going forward:

DOW JONES (52,642.27)

The index broke the crucial resistance level of 53,150 last week but did not sustain. At the same time, the support at 52,000 is also holding well for now.

We can expect the Dow Jones to remain in a range of 52,000-53,300 for some time. If it manages to breach 53,300, an extended rise to 54,000 can be seen. As mentioned last week, a fall below 52,000 will indicate that a top is in place. It will then turn the outlook bearish for a fall to 50,000-49,000 thereafter.

S&P 500 (7,575.38)

The way the S&P 500 index is holding above 7,400 and the rise last week indicates that the bullish picture is still intact. That keeps alive the chances of a rise to 7,800-7,900. A decisive break above 7,600 can trigger this rise. The index will come under pressure for a fall to 7,200-7,100 only if it declines below 7,400.

NASDAQ COMPOSITE (26,281.61)

The support 25,600 has held very well. The NASDAQ Composite index has bounced back well from its low of 25,526. The rise above 26,000 has eased the downside pressure. A strong follow-through rise from here can take the NASDAQ Composite index up to 27,500-28,000 in the coming weeks.

The price action thereafter will need a close watch. A rise beyond 28,000 might not be very easy. As such, we need to be very cautious as the index approaches 28,000.

DOLLAR OUTLOOK

The dollar index (100.97) oscillated around 101 all through the week. The support at 100.60 mentioned last week is holding very well. As long as the index stays above 100.60, there is no change in our bullish bias.

We expect the dollar index to get a sustained break above 101. Such a break can take it higher towards 103 in the coming weeks. It will also keep the upside open to see 105-106 over the medium term. The short-term outlook will turn negative only if the index breaks below 100.60. If that happens, a fall to 99.30 can be seen.

TREASURY YIELD

The US 10Yr Treasury Yield (4.56 per cent) seems to be struggling to get a strong follow-through rise above 4.55 per cent. The bias is positive. A rise above 4.6 per cent can boost the momentum. Such a break can take the 10Yr Treasury Yield up to 4.8 per cent.


Does asset allocation really work?

REAL RETURNS. Yes, it does, proves a live testing of a 60-30-10 portfolio over the last 11 years

Aarati Krishnan

Since the Iran conflict broke out, established conventions in investing have flown out of the window. Asset allocation has been one casualty.

Divide your portfolio between different uncorrelated assets, experts always said, and you will enjoy a smoother journey with better returns. But Indian investors who maintained asset-allocated portfolios have suffered higher value erosion than folks who didn’t, since early this year.

From February 28 (when the Iran war broke out) till date, stock markets have declined about 5 per cent (at the Nifty50 level) on fears that rising energy prices will dent company earnings. Bonds usually move in the opposite direction to stocks. But on this occasion, bond prices too fell, on fears that rising commodity prices will revive inflation and interest rate hikes.

Gold, which usually rockets during crises, let down investors too. Since February-end, gold has fallen 11 per cent in rupee terms. The prospect of rate hikes in the US has made global investors prefer US treasuries over gold, as a safe-haven choice.

If all asset classes are going to tumble in tandem when a crisis breaks out, what’s the point in my maintaining an asset-allocated portfolio? You may also be wondering if asset allocation works in the real world.

This is why we ran the numbers on how an asset-allocated portfolio would have fared in the last 11 years, using actual returns on different assets. We found that an asset-allocated portfolio with 60 per cent equity, 30 per cent debt and 10 per cent gold, delivered almost the same returns as an equity-only portfolio, with a much smoother journey.

METHODOLOGY

We assumed that an investor started out with ₹1 lakh to invest in end-2014. He invested ₹60,000 in a Nifty50 index fund, ₹30,000 in a short-term debt fund (category average as proxy) and ₹10,000 in a gold exchange-traded fund (category average).

We then traced the growth of this portfolio based on actual returns delivered by each of these assets in every calendar year. At the end of each calendar year, we took stock of the portfolio’s asset allocation after accounting for gains.

If any asset overshot its preferred allocation by 5 percentage points or more, we booked profits on it and moved the excess to the other two assets. The asset with the higher shortfall compared to the preferred allocation was refilled first.

This exercise did not lead to much portfolio churn. In the 11-year period, there were only two years where the portfolio needed rebalancing.

  • By the end of 2021, the equity portion climbed to 65.6 per cent and had to be rebalanced back to 60 per cent. The profits booked on equity were reinvested in debt, which had fallen to a 25 per cent allocation.
  • In 2025, the gold allocation shot up to 15 per cent of the portfolio, requiring profit-booking on gold and reinvesting that sum back into debt and equity.

TAKEAWAYS

We compared how the asset-allocated portfolio fared over the 11 years, against a full-equity portfolio invested only in the Nifty50. These were the findings:

  • Both portfolios delivered positive returns in nine of the 11 years.
  • Both had two negative years — 2015 and 2026. However, the asset-allocated portfolio suffered much lower losses than the equity-only portfolio. This is good because behaviourally, an investor suffering a 3 per cent loss will face less stress and temptation to pull out than one faced with an 8 per cent loss of net worth.
  • The best years for the equity-only portfolio saw big gains of 28.6 per cent and 24.1 per cent (2017 and 2021). The best years for the asset-allocated portfolio saw more moderate returns of 18.4 per cent and 18.1 per cent (2017 and 2024).
  • The performance demonstrates the benefit of diversifying across assets. In 2016, when equities delivered a mere 3 per cent, debt and gold lifted up portfolio returns with 9.8 and 11.8 per cent gains respectively. In 2017, when debt and gold delivered poor returns, equity saved the day with 28.6 per cent.
  • In several years where equity delivered single-digit gains or losses (2016, 2022, 2026), gold managed gains and debt anchored the portfolio with stable returns.
  • Maintaining a fixed asset allocation forces rule-based profit-booking on outperforming assets. In our study, an investor would have been forced to book profits on equity at the end of 2021 and gold at the end of 2025 (after a bumper 75.8 per cent gain). It is doubtful if any investors, left to themselves, would have booked profits at those times, when maximum greed was at play.

Overall, the 60-30-10 portfolio delivered an almost identical return to the full-equity portfolio over this 11-year period, at a respectable 10 per cent. The asset-allocated portfolio, however, subjected investors to a less bumpy journey and managed to deliver a better overall return than the equity-only portfolio in six out of the 11 years. That’s surely a solid testimony for asset allocation.


IEA sees India’s natural gas demand dropping 8% in 2026

Rishi Ranjan Kala New Delhi

India’s natural gas demand is expected to fall roughly 8 per cent y-o-y in 2026, with the fertilizer sector likely to post the steepest decline, as the West Asia conflict and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz almost choked off half of the liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports from the region. The International Energy Agency (IEA), in its latest Q3 2026 gas market report, anticipates that the world’s fourth-largest LNG importer’s natural gas demand is likely to decline around 8 per cent y-o-y in 2026. However, the IEA pointed out that despite a significant softening in gas demand, India’s weak domestic gas production kept LNG imports up on the year.

SOFTENING DEMAND

The West Asia conflict has significantly altered, albeit temporarily, India’s LNG consumption dynamics and supply sources. For instance, in February 2026, the IEA projected India’s total natural gas consumption to hit 103 billion cubic meters (bcm) per year by 2030. This represented a nearly 7 per cent annual average growth rate between 2023 and 2030, far in excess of the previous five years’ CAGR of less than 2 per cent.

Between January and April 2026, India’s natural gas demand declined 4 per cent y-o-y, reflecting strong price sensitivity across key consuming sectors. Demand trends diverged by end-use. Fertilizer production recorded the largest absolute decline, falling more than 0.4 bcm or 7 per cent y-o-y, despite its designation as critical to agricultural productivity and food security under the Natural Gas (Supply Regulation) Order 2026, issued by the government in early March 2026 shortly after the de facto closure of the Hormuz.

PETROCHEM DOWN

Petrochemical output also contracted sharply, by 21 per cent y-o-y. By contrast, gas use in the residential and commercial sectors—mainly city gas distribution for compressed natural gas (CNG) in transport and piped natural gas (PNG) for households and small industry—increased around 12 per cent y-o-y.

The IEA projected that Asia’s natural gas demand is expected to decline by 0.5 per cent in 2026 as higher LNG prices spur gas-to-coal switching in the power sector and lead to lower operating rates across gas- and energy-intensive industries.

The IEA noted that India’s domestic gas production remains on a declining trend, recording 22 consecutive months of year-on-year contraction since July 2024 and falling 4 per cent y-o-y in 2026. Against this backdrop, LNG imports totalled around 11 bcm over the period, up 1 per cent y-o-y despite the West Asia supply disruption. Monthly inflows were volatile, with strong deliveries in January, followed by declines in March (down 16 per cent y-o-y) and April (down 7 per cent y-o-y) amid the onset of the Middle East supply disruption, before rebounding in May (up 7 per cent y-o-y).